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Table of contents

There are organizations of kings and events in patterns following meaningful numbers such 37 Ellis-Davidson, "Commentary," p. But the reasoning is Paul Herrmann's. This Neoplatonic influence moderated by St. Augustine's thought is evident in the formulation of the various schemes through the Gesta Danorum and may be explained by considering that Saxo had probably studied abroad, as mentioned above.

While the study of the hermetic schemes in Saxo opens new perspectives on the matter, there is always a risk of accommodating the primary sources to fit an abstract idea, external to the document. There is no room to fully assess the topic; some trends, however should be addressed. By remarkably enlarging the kingdom inherited from your father through subjugation of your neighbours, by encompassing in the toil of extensive conquest the ebbing and flowing waters of the Elbe, you have added no mean element of glory to the register of your fame. The manuscript contains a small part of book I, ending before de Hadingus's story.

It was supposedly written by Saxo himself or some scribe in his service. Probably this lack of reference to Valdemar II and the death of Absalon would explain the argument about the insertions in the Angers fragment; Saxo needed to at least address some homage to his contemporary king. According to them, Absalon rather than Valdemar I was called p a t e r p a t r ia e , father" even though Valdemar II would be described as "p a r e n s "fatherland's n o s te r ," "father of us all"]; in the majority of the books the division is made according to the reigns of kings, but in the last four, by the changing of the archbishops.

The kings' need of guidance by the clergy is made clear in these last books—although we should add that the kings' need of guidance is made clear in all the books, even in the absence of the archbishops. He was writing at a time when Denmark was a powerful and prosperous kingdom, and his concern was to give a past as glorious as the present. Thus, by the scale of your achievements you overleapt the reputation of your predecessors to the extent of making armed warfare even on parts of the Holy Roman Empire. The Northern Crusades, pp. The question still remains inconclusive when placed in this way; who would be, therefore, the most suitable agents to steer Denmark?

The most suitable agents to lead Denmark to a hegemonic position over the Baltic are the clergymen, the learned people, bearers of the most part of the virtues; the kings will do nothing worthy without their advice. Euhemerism proper or similar interpretations would be recognized in the works of authors and historians from very different backgrounds, from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, such as Clement of Alexandria, Isidore of Seville, and Roger Bacon. The method would be defined alternatively as a historical or historicizing interpretation of mythology.

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In medieval Scandinavia, euhemerism was a method well known to authors with historical pretensions such as Snorri Sturlusson and Saxo Grammaticus. One of the most refined elaborations following these patterns was made by the author of Heimskringla who, as discussed before, although identified frequently as Snorri Sturlusson, might have been someone else. Pagan gods are described as notable men of Antiquity, heroes and kings who achieved fame in the North due to their excellent virtues and characteristics. There are three main schools of interpretation of these texts.

A recurrent theme for the euhemeristic explanations of Saxo Grammaticus, and particularly those of Snorri Sturlusson, is found in the so-called "Matter of Rome. The connections and genealogies between the authors are not totally clear. Among these works, two supposedly Latin translations from Greek originals stand out, the fourth century and the fifth to sixth centuries.

To connect the destiny of Trojan refugees or their descendants with the origins of European nations becomes a common resource for authors; DArcier affirms that the only exceptions to this rule are Spanish and Irish authors7—with which we disagree. As shall be demonstrated shortly, Saxo uses a different device to explain the Danes' origins, although had used fragments of the "Matter of Rome" for different purposes. The work became "Saga of the men of Troy"—and falls within the or chivalric sagas, mostly presenting translations and courtly literature into Old Norse, more specifically Old Icelandic.

There were at least three known redactions of this saga. At the margins of the river Thames, Brutus founded the city of Troia Nova, renamed as L o n d in iu m , later the Anglo-Saxon Lundenwic and now London; some influence from Virgil's A e n e id is recognized in the work.

Taking into account merely stylistic considerations, its text has a very distinct formulation, departing from the Icelandic authors in many ways and frequently presenting obstacles to its comprehension and interpretation. Giants were larger and physically stronger, but magicians' powers were superior. Their interbred descendants were neither as large as the giants nor as skilful as the magicians. All of them were considered gods by the men.

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This tale, interesting as it might be, is not our main concern and does not add too much to our discussion. It should be noted, nonetheless, that the episode serves as a good example, although only partially, of the hermeneutical methods of Saxo. His euhemerism assimilates distinct traditions, seeking to harmonize them in an explanatory tale, also rationalized.

In the case of the giants, the mythical digression serves to explain the presence of giants in the following narrative, as well as the powers characteristic of them; is also useful in order to show how these skilful beings were worshipped by men, as if they were gods. The second mythological digression, however, deserves some attention and careful reading: 1.

He had the habit of staying more frequently than anywhere at Uppsala, deigning to live rather more constantly there either because of the inhabitants' torpor or the beauty of the countryside. The kings of the north, eager to honour his divinity with more enthusiastic worship, executed a representation of him in gold, the arms thickly encircled with heavy bracelets, and as an expression of their devotion sent it with the utmost show of piety to Byzantium. His wife, Frigga, desiring to walk abroad more bedizened, brought in smiths to strip the statue of its gold.

Magus (disambiguation)

Subordinating her husband's divine honours to the splendour of her own apparel, Frigga submitted herself to the lust of one of her servants; by his cunning the effigy was demolished and the gold which had been devoted to public idolatry went to serve her personal pleasure. Need I add anything but to say that such a god deserved such a wife?

Stung by this double embarrassment he took to exile replete with an honest shame, thinking he would thereby obliterate the stain of his disgrace. A certain Mythothyn, a famous illusionist, was animated at his departure as if by a gift from heaven and snatched the chance to pretend divinity himself.

His reputation for magicianship clouded the barbarians' minds with a new superstition and led them to perform holy rites to his name. He asserted that the god's wrath and the profanation of their divine authority could not expiated by confused and jumbled sacrifices; so he arranged that they should not be prayed to as a 26] group, but separate offerings be made to each deity.

When Othinus returned, the other no longer resorted to his conjuring but went off to hide in Fyn where he was rushed upon and killed by the inhabitants. The citizens, oppressed by this evil, desinterred the body, decapitated it and impaled it through the breast with a sharp stake; that was the way the people cured the problem. He dispersed the covens of soothsayers which had sprung up, like shadows before the oncoming of his sacred brightness, and checked them with the command not only to abandon their pretended holiness, but also to leave the country, considering that those who had so profanely obtruded themselves into heaven deserved to be thrust from the Earth.


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What should be noted, nonetheless, is that both this passage and the euhemeristic sections from the Prose Edda discussed above, connect their interpretations to the East Both excerpts deliver similar theme using euhemeristic hermeneutics in dealing with myths and constructing origin stories. Othinus is revered in Uppsala and rules in Byzantium. As to the origin of the Danes, that is presented at the very beginning of the Gesta Danorum: 1. Dudo, however, who wrote a history of France, believes that the Danes sprang from the Danaans and were named after them.

This excerpt explains the origin of the genealogy, but not the resignification and even emptying which the "Matter of Rome" suffers in the being a to p o s G esta D a n o r u m , despite found in almost every European nation's story of origin. Also it does not explain at all why Saxo, having already resorted to other explanatory sources, inserts the narrative which provides a different and even transfigured plot.

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There are many problems in the situation, as well as in our interpretation. The East does not incorporate any sense of origin in the same sense found in the prologue of the Prose E d d a and H e im s k r in g la , excluding also any imaginary connection to Paradise or a New Jerusalem. There is no biblical interpretation or interpolation in the text—not just in the first book, but in the G e sta as a whole. It is somewhat surprising to find a greater number of theological references and interpretation of biblical nature—such as genealogies from Noah to Scandinavian heroes—in the historical works by Icelandic authors, supposedly lay people, than in the work of a Danish cleric writing at the behest of an archbishop, as Saxo was.

He was writing at a time when Denmark was a powerful and prosperous kingdom, and his concern was to give this kingdom a past as glorious as the present. The first reference to the area is made already in the Praefatio'. As argued before, most probably the Praefatio was the last part to be written.

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In this case, it was the result of considered reflection, years of work and writing, along with the consolidation of conceptions and prejudices. Certainly an early date of writing ascribed to the Praefatio excludes the times of probation of Archbishop Absalon in Slavia and Anders Sunesson in Livonia and Estonia, a valuable source of information to Saxo, but of course this extrapolation is conjectural and, as said before, highly unlikely.

The area is resignified as the route from the Varangians to the Greeks which actually crossed the rivers Daugava and Dniepr and the Black Sea, finally leading to the actual Hellespontus see Map 6. Such detailed knowledge is used in order to defend a very specific agenda: the building of a Danish hegemony in the Baltic area, a theme to which we shall return when dealing with King Frotho III, Ericus disertus, and the "Thematic of the Counsellor. The enemies, the agents—all the pieces are included in these expeditions, all the conflicts reflected.

Even the dis agreements between Church and State are able to find their places. The first phase of the Northern Crusades took place near home, in the Slavic lands; its main concerns were to secure the neighbourhoods and to consolidate the new institutions. In this stage there were need of cooperation with the Saxons and the Empire. The main hero is Absalon, scourge of the pagan Slavs. The alliance between Danes and Saxons is heavily criticized by Saxo.

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The records are based on fact and the aesthetics and methodology are clearly chronistic, though full of sententiae and judgemental remarks. These events are echoed in the first books, although through mythical and symbolical expedients. The setting of the second phase of the Northern Crusades was further to the northeast, on the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea.

Now, the Danish external affairs faced different struggles and those taking part were also different; at this point the king was Valdemar II; the archbishop, Anders Sunesson. The Slavs were pacified, making up part of the Danish Kingdom, which sought expansion and hegemony over the Baltic by trying to to obtain lands in Estonia and Kurland. Saxo's vision of the native peoples of the Baltic Sea is far from monolithic, as one can suppose from the Praefatio. Different from the Germans, always the villains and opponents, or even responsible for viciousness in Danish court, the natives are described and used in several ways in the course of the narrative, as will be discussed in detail in the following chapters of this book.

It is enough at this moment to briefly present some of these apparitions, for the benefit of the discussion. In an excerpt retelling a widespread tradition about the battle, Saxo describes the Danes in a state of decadence. Despite the judgement in the Praefatio regarding the savagery of Easterners, this time the appreciation is different.

If they were in fact written after the death of Absalon, that would explain the greater number of occurrences in the Eastern Baltic. A project initially intended as a simple chronicle assumed the role of the History of a nation and, as such, came to reflect the conditions of a country looking for hegemony throughout the Baltic area, even the attempt of creation of a new kind of empire. At the beginning of this book we emphasized the scarcity of information about Saxo Grammaticus, discussing what it is possible to know about him.

We have demonstrated also that codicology substantiated with reasonable certainty the fidelity of the available text and the existence of a few alterations in the same, held at Det Kongelige Bibliotek. The comparison with other manuscripts showed remarkable fidelity of the early modern editions to a supposed original, or archetype.

Hence, is possible to find in Gesta Danorum the rare circumstance of a treatise attributed mostly to a single, individual mind, almost an artistic mind—in short, one can dare to reflect about such risky questions as individuality and authorship in a medieval work. It is not possible to ascertain whether this explanation was created by Snorri alone or was a reflection of some broader Icelandic scholarship.

According to this interpretation, the East assumed the role of a place of origin, interweaving Greco-Roman, Western medieval, and biblical traditions, but giving little or no credit to Scandinavian traditions or even empiric knowledge about the East. Saxo Grammaticus's writing is ideologically charged in order to sustain a favourable position for its own ecclesiastical order and to justify the supremacy of the archbishopric, but it also brings varied degrees of elaboration and assimilation of many and distinct traditions, among them Scandinavian, Greco-Roman and, to a lesser degree, Christian.