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Thompson feels that such a moral disdain of poverty did not appear to be restricted to Bristol and Liverpool. It seemed to be a general feature in England during this period, a time of social and industrial change.

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He suggests that as a result of civil unrest and the large movement of people from the countryside to the cities, the number of beggars was rapidly increasing in all areas of the country at the end of the eighteenth century. Thompson p. Similarly Thompson also suggests that, whether or not society was becoming over-run by sexual immorality and crime, there was a general perception of this factor.


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In his review of historical literature and surveys on the working class at the end of the eighteenth century, he finds it was reported that prostitution and crime were rife. For instance, Thompson observes that government reports from the late eighteenth century stated that as many as one in ten of the population of London were harlots and criminals. However on closer inspection, he finds, it is established that the classification of prostitutes included single mothers and unmarried women living with single men.

Accompanying the notion of the power of commercial handwork to cure indolence in those who were blind in the late eighteenth century, Hayhoe , b found that there appeared to be a belief that immorality should be met with a rigid code of behavioural control in the asylums.

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Furthermore, Hayhoe also stated that evidence also implied that docility should be achieved by the recital of biblical texts and hymn singing during working hours. For instance the register of the Bristol Asylum, which was first recorded in , shows that sexual behaviour was strongly discouraged in the early asylums even between those of marrying age.

The excerpt from the register of the Bristol asylum re-printed in appendix 6 shows that students had been expelled from the asylum for conducting such physical relationships, and as a result their potential livelihood from the trade that they practiced there was denied them. In contrast to its expulsions for what was considered to be immoral behaviour, the register of the Bristol Asylum see appendix 6 also appears to show the rewards of hard work, diligence and docility in its training course. In this register it particularly likened the students of the asylum to its family, and emphasised the loyalty of the asylum to this family.

This appeared to be reciprocated by its students. There are particular instances in this register, for example, of students coming back to teach in the asylum or visit. Other entries tell of the love of the asylum for the students, and follow their progress to their retirement and eventual death.

Under the following sub heading this segment continues by examining the progress of the use of handcrafts in the nineteenth century. The use of handcrafts and the working hours in English institutions in the nineteenth century. Evidence from the early nineteenth century appears to suggest a continuance, even a firming, of the moral attitudes and its effect on the curriculum of English asylums. Similarly in the same decade the American educationalist and phrenologist [8] Howe [9] , concluded that whilst the French system focused too much on literature at the expense of providing a trade, the English system too often emphasised training for trade, and indeed excessive working hours of training, at the expense of any form of literature or academic education.

As a result Howe stated that he would prefer the Scottish model to be employed in his own asylum in Boston, as he felt it provided a more even balance of the observance of biblical texts and of trade. Literacy was eventually introduced into English education of the blind in in an institution for the blind in Yorkshire Taylor, ; Warnock et. However, even with its national introduction through what is now the National Institute for the Blind NIB and its accompanying school The Normal College and Academy of Music in the s Thomas, ; Wolf, , an emphasis was still placed on the use of handcrafts.

The founder of this institute, the Austrian trained physician Armitage who had become blind, had been impressed by the academic education provided by continental European institutions, particularly in his former home Vienna. Nevertheless, he still appeared to feel society should guard against the indolence of people who were blind, and maintain schools for the blind as principally centres for commercial training. He thus stated:.

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Training and employment [are] priorities. Wolf p. Other new institutions appearing in the mid-nineteenth century also appear to emphasise that craft education was restricted to working or under class students who were blind. The only institution in England that did not pursue a vocational crafts curriculum of any form was an independent school, founded for the education of children of the professional middle classes, Worcester College for the Blind Sons of Gentlemen.

However, it again appeared that this class distinction was not as great as it was between those in academic, middle class schools and asylums. Thus, the asylums appeared to have longer working hours and a more intense, boarding vocational curriculum.


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    6. Therefore it appears that class was of a particular issue amongst students who were blind in the nineteenth century. Evidence also exists that Worcester College was the only school to seriously consider a mainstream academic education for students as the aim for all of its students on entry Worcester College, However, similar to other charitable schools developed in this era, visual arts did not enter its curriculum until after , with only music and literature favoured as forms of creative activity before this period Fletcher, The next segment continues underneath by examining the more immediate financial incentives handcrafts could bring to their asylums and the later development of handcrafts.

    Financial incentives and the later evolution of handcrafts in schools for the blind. An examination of fundraising at institutions for the blind in England. There appears to be evidence that in the early asylums in western Europe, including England, there was an emphasis on handcraft tasks for the purpose of raising money to fund asylums.

    For instance early reports of the asylums in Bristol and Edinburgh feature the accounts from sales of goods from the students. These sales supplemented the small donations that the communities of the students were asked to provide le Cue, ; RBAS, ; Bristol Asylum, ; Hayhoe, , b. These accounts in particular listed the individual craft products that were manufactured, their cost of materials and the net profit derived from their sale. Similar attitudes towards the production of goods to help in the financing of institutions were also commented upon by an educator and administrator in the Paris Institute named Guille He stated that the example of the British asylums in maintaining their buildings through this additional source of income should be employed by the Paris Institute, which was struggling to raise funds to stay in existence.

    Guille ; Paulson, had earlier disagreed with the founder of the institute, Hauy, from an early period and argued that the Institute should be more focused on vocational training. This factor seems to have been particularly important after the French revolution, as the state funding for the institute had been withdrawn after the abandonment of the monarchy, as it was a favoured charity of the king.

    The funding of institutions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Evidence also exists that this pursuit of profit not only appears to have been a characteristic of the early asylums, it was also evident in England throughout the nineteenth century Bristol Asylum, ; Bristol School for the Blind, ; Liverpool School for the Blind, This appeared to ensure their continued income and a profit for the local societies and institutions.

    Such factories still existed in England until the last decade of the twentieth century [10] le Cue, Finally further evidence from annual reports during the nineteenth century and their accounts, appear to suggest that not only were students encouraged to pursue vocational training, they were also defined by these traits in their schools.

    For instance in the report of the Liverpool Asylum from the mid nineteenth century, each student is listed and their trade described.

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    Nowhere in the report, however, are their other educational accomplishments mentioned. This seems to further emphasise the money generating qualities of their work, which is marked in the excerpt from the report of Liverpool Asylum shown below. Liverpool School for the Blind p. There is further evidence to suggest that the focus on vocational and literary education in England continued in many schools for the blind into the twentieth century, and that the sale of goods was a strong motivational influence. For instance, a report from the Bristol School of Industry for the Blind — formerly the Bristol Asylum - in the first decade of the twentieth century described one of what it referred to as its regular exhibitions and sales of its work.

    The sale of crafts, it stated, played a role in supporting the Bristol School, this in turn gave extra impetus to the vocational, cognitive training of crafts. This commercial self-sufficiency appeared to be further reinforced by no mention in the exhibition notes of the aesthetic qualities or gratification of the students' craft production. The list of crafts on sale in the Bristolian catalogue, all created by the school's students, also reflected the crafts being taught in the Bristol School at the time.


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      5. These appear to be dominated by those which were introduced at its inception, such as chair caning, and mat and basket weaving. Illingworth also reflects that many similar sales of work in many schools for the blind were held throughout England in this period. Correspondence to the Bristol school from the US also demonstrates the influence of the emphasis on handcrafts in traditional English education, almost years after its inception.

      For instance this emphasis on training and acclimatisation to long working hours at the expense of literature appears to have been witnessed first hand by the director of the Perkins Institute, formerly the Boston Asylum, in In his letter re-printed in part in appendix 6 to the head of the Bristol School of Industry for the Blind, the principal indicates a close relationship with them.

      However he does express admiration and asks for advice on the best methods of motivating students in order to emulate their long working days, as he appears particularly impressed with the work rate of Bristolian students. Production was not only admired by the Bostonian in terms of the students, well being or their economic future, it also seemed to be envied as a means of financing the school, a factory for adults and a society for the welfare of people who were blind in the community [11].

      Evidence however exists to suggest that after this period a different use of handcrafts existed.

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      This will now be investigated. The development of non-vocational handcrafts. Signs that the nature of handwork in English institutes for the blind began to change during the s appears to exist in training literature developed at the time. The RNIB and the College of Teachers for the Blind, a national organisation formed to provide guidance on model practice, for instance, showed signs in this period of looking at handcrafts not only for training in vocational tasks and economic subsistence, but also to develop their students cognitive abilities.

      This report in particular appears to emphasise a more holistic use of handcrafts, for developing the use of touch for everyday and educational purposes as, the report also finds, such tasks were not in wide spread existence in the various curricula of schools for the blind at the time. Furthermore in the s it appears that the JCCTB had placed even more emphasis on the notion of handwork as an educational and cognitive tool as well as for economic subsistence. In a further report by the Committee of the College of Teachers for the Blind , a large section is again devoted to the uses of handwork.

      Similar to the s survey by the committee, this report re-emphasised the use of this craft form for enhancing practical abilities. Unlike the previous report, however, the authors seemed to further suggest that the perceptual impressions of such work could enhance the emotional and psychological well-being of children who were blind, and benefit the mental ability of students pursuing their exercises for purely cognitive development [12]. Furthermore in this report they further suggest the practice of using their hands to maintain themselves in everyday practical activities, such as domestic chores.

      This, it was felt, would provide their students with more social freedom and a better appreciation of beauty through craftsmanship [13]. Standing as it does in a close relationship to art, handwork provides many opportunities to the blind child to express his or her own ideas in concrete form.

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      Blind children should be trained from the earliest to appreciate beauty of form, proportion, craftsmanship through handwork, and also realise that an article which fulfils its purpose, is well made, and well proportioned, is in itself a thing of beauty. Committee of the College of Teachers for the Blind p.

      This later form of craft work appeared to be the one in which students featured in this study and who attended schools for the blind prior to were trained. In appendix 6 the descriptions of the early education of many of the students featured in the study who attended such schools are reproduced. These appear to suggest that basket weaving in particular was the staple craft task in these schools. This chapter now concludes its findings in the segment below.