Guide Offenders on Offending: Learning about Crime from Criminals

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Criminal activities are some of the most difficult areas to collect data about due to their covert nature and relative high risk. There are no obvious.
Table of contents

• Recruiting Professionals in
• Onset of Offending
• Active Offender Research - Criminology - Oxford Bibliographies
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An individual may have no choice but to pass through a dangerous area on the way to work and may not have the option of moving his or her home to a safer neighborhood. Where avoidance is not an option, individuals may engage. Thus, for example, a person who must navigate a dangerous environment may alter their mode of transportation taking a taxi rather than a public bus or driving rather than walking or seek companions for the journey.

Similarly, a person living in a neighborhood with a high rate of residential burglary may invest in home security precautions or purchase a weapon. Apart from reducing their risk through avoidance or precautionary behaviors, people may also seek to minimize the costs or damages that they will incur in the event of a victimization what DuBow et al. To illustrate, some persons carry little or no money outside the home in anticipation of potential robberies, whereas others insure or engrave their property in the home or simply refrain from keeping valuable property at home altogether.

A large number of surveys designed to measure public responses to fear of crime have been conducted in recent years.

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Although the samples and methodologies of these surveys vary widely, certain findings appear with sufficient regularity to warrant some general conclusions. First, among the most common responses to fear of crime in the United States is spatial avoidance, meaning that individuals commonly report that they avoid areas perceived to be dangerous. Spatial avoidance typically ranks in frequency above most or all other responses to fear in social surveys, at least among those responses that occur outside the home DuBow et al. For example, 77 percent of a sample of Dallas residents reported that they avoided "certain places in the city," as did 63 percent of Seattle residents Warr, As noted earlier, there is a strong tendency among individuals to perceive crime in geographic terms; hence the tendency to avoid "dangerous places" is not surprising.

So prevalent is spatial avoidance, however, that it is reasonable to assume that the ecology of U. Neighborhoods that are perceived to be dangerous places are likely to be find themselves socially isolated, and retail businesses that are located in ostensibly dangerous areas may suffer a shortage of customers Conklin, ; Skogan and Maxfield, For example,. If people commonly avoid dangerous places, they also avoid dangerous times, the most obvious example being nighttime.

As noted earlier, darkness is a principal cue to danger Warr, , and substantial proportions of Americans report that they avoid going out at night DuBow et al. There may well be other periodicities to fear, however. Godbey et al. Another common response to fear is to employ precautionary measures when traveling outside the home. Among the most common is to seek the company of others during one's journey. In surveys of Dallas and Seattle conducted by the author see note 1 , 29 percent and 26 percent of respondents, respectively, reported that they avoided going out of the house alone.

In surveys of Chicago, Philadelphia, and San Francisco, approximately 30 percent of respondents in each city reported that they take an escort "most of the time" when leaving home after dark Skogan and Maxfield, Traveling by foot is also commonly avoided by urban Americans in favor of the safety of automobiles Skogan and Maxfield, , and a small percentage choose to carry a weapon or some other form of protection e.

The foregoing responses to fear all pertain to situations outside the home, but although the home is generally regarded as safer than areas away from it, the large majority of Americans nevertheless take precautions, if frequently only minor ones, to protect their dwelling and its occupants. Skogan and Maxfield report that fully 96 percent of the households interviewed in San Francisco, Chicago, and Philadelphia reported at least one home security precaution. In accordance with other research e.

Such precautions, of course, require little financial investment or time.

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More expensive and time-consuming precautions, however, are not rare. Although estimates vary, roughly percent of American households have invested in such measures as window bars or grates, improved locks, property engraving, alarm systems, improved lighting, or theft insurance see generally DuBow et al. Department of Justice, , in which household informants were questioned about the steps they had taken "to make [their home] safer from crime. Among household security measures, the most controversial is gun ownership.

According to repeated GSS surveys, approximately one-half of U. In a review of the literature on fear of crime and gun ownership, Wright et al. Two subsequent studies, however, cast some doubt on this conclusion. Using survey data from 59 neighborhoods in three standard metropolitan statistical areas SMSAs , Smith and Uchida found that the probability of purchasing "a gun or weapon for your protection" was significantly related to respondents' perceived risk of victimization, prior victimization experiences, and perceptions of neighborhood crime trends.