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This new study compared the stories of individuals who reported NDEs with the stories of more than 15, individuals who had taken one of different psychoactive drugs. When those stories were linguistically analyzed, similarities were found between recollections of near-death and drug experiences for those who had taken a specific class of drug.

One drug in particular, ketamine, led to experiences very similar to NDE. This may mean that the near-death experience may reflect changes in the same chemical system in the brain that is targeted by drugs like ketamine. The researchers drew on a large collection of NDE stories they had collected over many years. To compare NDEs with drug experiences, the researchers took advantage of a large collection of drug experience anecdotes found in the Erowid Experience Vaults, an open-source collection of accounts describing firsthand experiences with drugs and various substances.

In this study, the recollections of those who experienced NDEs and those who took drugs were compared linguistically. Their stories were broken down into individual words, and the words were sorted according to their meaning and counted. In this way, researchers were able to compare the number of times words having the same meaning were used in each story. They used this numerical analysis of story content to compare the content of drug-related and near-death experiences. Each of the drugs included in these comparisons could be categorized by their ability to interact with a specific neurochemical system in the brain, and each drug fell into a specific category antipsychotic, stimulant, psychedelic, depressant or sedative, deliriant, or hallucinogen.

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Few similarities were found when the accounts of one stimulant drug were compared with another within the same stimulant drug class, and few if any similarities were found between accounts of stimulant drug experience and NDEs. The same was true for depressants. The stories associated with hallucinogens, however, were very similar to one another, as were stories linked to antipsychotics and deliriants.

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When recollections of drug effects were compared with NDEs, stories about hallucinogens and psychedelics had the greatest similarities to NDEs, and the drug that scored the highest similarity to NDEs was the hallucinogen ketamine. High among the list of words common to both experiences were those related to perception saw, color, voice, vision , the body face, arm, foot , emotion fear and transcendence universe, understand, consciousness. The researchers then sorted words into five large principal groups according to their common meaning. Those principal components dealt with perception and consciousness, drug dependency, negative sensations, drug preparation, and also a group that included disease state, religion and ceremony.


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NDEs reflected three of these components related to perception and consciousness, religion and ceremony, disease state, and drug preparation. So long as the social forces thus freed have not regained equilibrium, their respective values are unknown and so all regulation is lacking for a time. The limits are unknown between the possible and the impossible, what is just and what is unjust, legitimate claims and hopes and those which are immoderate.

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Consequently, there is no restraint upon aspirations. Regulation can break down in times of prosperity, too. For example, David Lester, a leading expert on suicide, has found that regions in the United States with a higher quality of life tend to have higher rates of suicide, as well. You can read more about his theory of why here. If anomie never appeared except, as in the above instances, in intermittent spurts and acute crisis, it might cause the social suicide-rate to vary from time to time, but it would not be a regular, constant factor.

In one sphere of social life, however—the sphere of trade and industry—it is actually in a chronic state. Durkheim makes the case that anomie has become normal in the world of trade and industry because there is not enough moral regulation in these industries to prevent it. Take, for example, the case of China.

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China is the second largest economy in the world and one of the fastest growing markets of the past three decades. However, China also has one of the highest suicide rates in the world. According to this article , pressure to succeed in the booming economy is one reason for its high prevalence of suicide. Anomy, therefore, is a regular and specific factor in suicide in our modern societies; one of the springs from which the annual contingent feeds.

So we have here a new type to distinguish from the others.


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    6. It differs from them in its dependence, not on the way in which individuals are attached to society, but on how it regulates them. Durkheim is comparing anomic suicide to egoistic suicide. The first refers to suicide due to a lack of moral regulation, whereas the latter captures suicide due to a lack of integration. However, what about suicides that happen when integration or regulation is too high? Durkheim called these suicides altruistic and fatalistic, respectively.

    We might think of altruistic suicide as dying for a cause, such as this article about self-immolation, or suicide as a form of protest. By virtue of its origin we shall assign this last variety the name of anomic suicide.

    The Society for the Remarkable Suicide Scriptbook : Stephen Coffey :

    Certainly, this and egoistic suicide have kindred ties. The initiative has been highly successful and has maintained since the inception a remarkable 80 percent reduction in suicide among the Henry Ford Medical Group HMO membership.


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      4. This landmark decision by the AMA to support further physician training on suicidal ideation is just the start. The commitment to increased physician and patient interaction to further assess these risks and addressing the lack of access to inpatient and outpatient psychiatric care will be vital to reversing the momentum of suicide among patients long-term.