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Matthew L. Schoonover was born in Corpus Christi, TX and has lived his whole life (so far) in Texas. He currently resides in the Rio Grande Valley. He is still.
Table of contents
- ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror
- 4.2 Ritual Authority and Exclusion
- Economies of Enjoyment and Terror in Django Unchained and 12 Years a Slave - The Postcolonialist
- Sorry, we can't find the page you're looking for!
- TEACHING GUIDE
They got a friendly reception at the office of Senator Brian Schatz, and one participant presented some red flowers at the office of Senator Mazie Hirono, who has been battling kidney cancer. As they spilled back out into the hallway, they were, for the first time all afternoon, expressing ambivalence. On a steamy summer day in Washington, Gabbard was shuttling between her office, in the Longworth Building, and the House floor, where her presence was urgently but irregularly required, for votes.
When Gabbard is in town, she finds that she can spend days in constant motion, meeting and voting and meeting some more, while hardly ever leaving the warren of federal buildings.
ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror
Even her daily recreation is there: she is a member of the famously tough bipartisan workout group led by Markwayne Mullin, Republican of Oklahoma, who happens to be a former professional mixed-martial-arts fighter. On this morning, she had a brief discussion with a couple of missile-defense experts and then rushed over to the Capitol for a series of uncontroversial votes on sex trafficking. Gabbard does not consider herself to be especially loyal to any leader or faction.
So she sent a small army of volunteers across the islands, planting lawn signs and lining the roads with placards, running a campaign based less on policy than on personality. People who supported Gabbard then have a hard time remembering now what the issues were. Not long after she was sworn in, she joined with Republicans to vote for a short-term spending bill that most of her Democratic colleagues opposed.
She said that she wanted to insure uninterrupted funding for the military. But, later in , as the Presidential primaries drew near, she called for additional Democratic debates, a position that seemed to put her at odds with the Hillary Clinton campaign and, not coincidentally, with Debbie Wasserman Schultz, the D. A few months later, Gabbard resigned her D. When Clinton won the nomination, it posed a problem for Gabbard, until someone came along to solve it: Donald Trump, whose victory insured that Sanders supporters would pay no substantial price for having abandoned Clinton. Her claim is not entirely believable, but it spares her from having to answer the question of whether she would have accepted such an offer.
Gabbard says that she and Trump talked mainly about foreign policy; as a candidate, he had suggested, however inconsistently, that he would curb military interventions. Gabbard recalls that she found the meeting encouraging. Given the overwhelmingly Democratic makeup of her district, this approach cannot be explained by electoral calculation, and it has complicated her relationship with some of the grassroots activists who might otherwise be inclined to support her. When Gabbard appeared in Syria, last January, many wondered whether she was carrying a message to Assad from Trump.
The videos conveyed the impression that these outsiders had brought chaos to Syria, and that the only path to peace was to put down the insurgency. Upon her return, Gabbard gave an interview in which she intimated that she and Assad—who is known to viciously punish dissent—had negotiated an agreement to bring democracy to Syria.
And yet, instead of distancing herself from this episode, she has embraced it.
4.2 Ritual Authority and Exclusion
Howard Dean, the former D. Gabbard should not be in Congress. The current version of the bill has fourteen co-sponsors, eight Republicans and six Democrats, but it has not received a vote. The United States has been prosecuting a war on terror for more than sixteen years; Gabbard is one of vanishingly few Democratic politicians who are eager to talk about it. She was born in American Samoa and moved to Hawaii in , when she was two.
Her first political passion was environmentalism, an interest derived from her first recreational passion, which was the ocean. On the morning after Memorial Day, she and Williams woke up before dawn and drove to an unmarked beach so that they could take paddleboards out to an island they like. As the sun rose, they ate mangoes and lychees on the sand.
In , when Tulsi Gabbard was only twenty-one, she ran, as a Democrat, for the Hawaii State House of Representatives, alongside another first-time candidate: her father, who sought and won a seat on the nonpartisan Honolulu City Council. She is eager, now, to explain that she and her father had entirely separate political lives. In her first political incarnation, Gabbard balanced liberal environmentalism with a pronounced conservative streak. Six years later, Tulsi Gabbard led a protest against a bill that would have legalized civil unions for same-sex couples.
That same year, in the Hawaii State House, she delivered a long, fierce speech against a proposed resolution meant to target anti-gay bullying in public schools. As Gabbard was settling into her political career, in , she did something surprising: she joined the National Guard, and, when her brigade was shipped to Iraq, she volunteered to go, even though her name was not on the mandatory-deployment roster.
She served as a medical-operations specialist on a base in the Sunni Triangle, and also as a military police officer, before attending officer-candidate school in Alabama, where she excelled; a second deployment took her to Kuwait.
Economies of Enjoyment and Terror in Django Unchained and 12 Years a Slave - The Postcolonialist
She often cites her time in the Middle East when asked to explain her political reinvention. By the time she ran for Congress, in , Gabbard was presenting herself as a more or less orthodox progressive, pro-choice and pro-same-sex-marriage. This realization was well timed, because it enabled her to win a Democratic primary in a state that was increasingly blue. Mike Gabbard, who is now a state senator, defected from the Republican Party and became a Democrat in At a meeting in , she apologized to L.
But Gabbard has seemed unusually conflicted about sexual orientation, an issue on which young Democrats are typically united and enthusiastic; she has been inclined to tolerate same-sex marriage but not to celebrate it. The new version of Gabbard is better suited to the era of Bernie Sanders, whose Our Revolution group endorsed her. Gabbard is also a symbol of demographic change: she is from Hawaii, where nonwhites make up about three-quarters of the population, and she is the product of an interracial marriage—her father is Samoan, and her mother is white.
Gabbard is, prominently, a religious minority, the first representative to swear the oath of office on the Bhagavad Gita, a central Hindu text. She releases yearly holiday videos celebrating Diwali, the grand Hindu festival of lights, and has cultivated a close relationship with Indian-Americans.
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In , she travelled to India, where she met with the controversial Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has become a political ally, and she is now a co-chair of the Congressional India Caucus. With her brown skin, black hair, and Hindu name, Gabbard is sometimes mistaken for an Indian-American. She is named for the holy-basil plant, also known as tulasi , a sweet-smelling herb that appears in the Bhagavad Gita as an offering to the Lord.
Gabbard has grown more comfortable talking about her faith, which she barely mentioned earlier in her political career. But she has resisted telling the story of her spiritual journey. This summer, when I asked her about the teacher who led her to Hinduism, Gabbard grew evasive. In , an elderly Indian man known as A.
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For reasons that resist secular explanation, Bhaktivedanta drew a crowd, and the crowd grew into something new: the Hare Krishna movement, which introduced Westerners to the five-hundred-year-old Hindu tradition known as Gaudiya Vaishnavism. The Hare Krishna devotee became, for a time, a familiar figure, and sometimes a figure of fun: a young white man with a shaved head and an orange-sherbet robe, chanting ceaselessly and carrying an armload of books to sell.
By the early seventies, his message had reached Hawaii, where Chris Butler was a young yoga teacher and surfer. Butler, the son of a prominent doctor and antiwar activist who had come from the mainland, was something of a prodigy: a self-styled guru who began attracting followers soon after he dropped out of college. Even so, Butler was awed by Bhaktivedanta, who had a knack for making ancient Indian texts sound like sensible instruction manuals. In , Bhaktivedanta came to Hawaii, and Butler, who was twenty-three, met him, and made a trade: he turned all of his disciples over to Bhaktivedanta, and in exchange gained a new name, Siddhaswarupananda, which marked him as an initiated disciple and a prominent figure in the growing Hare Krishna movement.
It was not always an easy relationship. As the Hare Krishna movement fractured, Butler created his own group, now known as the Science of Identity Foundation, and amassed a tight-knit, low-profile network of followers, hundreds or perhaps thousands of them, stretching west from Hawaii into Australia, New Zealand, and Southeast Asia. Krishna and the Bhagavad Gita are mentioned only in passing.
He recorded a series of television specials, in which he resembled a hip young college professor on a couch, surrounded by inquisitive students.
When the Gabbards moved to Hawaii, in , they joined the circle of disciples around Butler. Tulsi Gabbard says that she began learning the spiritual principles of Vaishnava Hinduism as a kid, and that she grew up largely among fellow-disciples, some of whom would gather on the beach for kirtan , the practice of singing or chanting sacred songs. Gabbard pursued a spiritual education: as a girl, she spent two years in the Philippines, at informal schools run by followers of Butler.
TEACHING GUIDE
Gabbard recalls her childhood as lively and freewheeling: she excelled at martial arts and developed a passion for gardening; she was a serious reader, encouraged by her parents. Defectors tell stories of children discouraged by Butler from attending secular schools; of followers forbidden to speak publicly about the group; of returning travellers quarantined for days, lest they transmit a contagious disease to Butler; of devotees lying prostrate whenever he entered the room, or adding bits of his nail clippings to their food, or eating spoonfuls of sand that he had walked upon.
Some former members portray themselves as survivors of an abusive cult. Butler denies these reports, and Gabbard says that she finds them hard to credit. A number of those people have businesses. The more nuanced view is that ISIS members arrive with diverse motives and backgrounds. Some were displaced Ba'athist Iraqi's, others prison converts brought in by fellow charismatic Syrian inmates, and there are many who seem to have joined ISIS out of some type of expediency, hopelessness, or hopefulness.
The resulting diversity has strengthened ISIS by bringing expert statesmen of sorts , computer and weapons experts, PR and media manipulators, and not a few people with proper military backgrounds. Because of this diversity, ISIS often acts more as a state than a typical terrorist organization. Despite this facade of legitimacy, ISIS is reprehensible in every way. It's an organization led by heartless murderers, torturers, and rapists as they so brazenly exhibit in their own propaganda.
