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Few authors have faced more blatant detestation for a piece of work than Salman Rushdie has for his novel The Satanic Verses , which tells the story of two men infused with the Islamic culture and their in abilities to cope with Western influences. Once the book hit the shelves, Rushdie had a bounty put on his head by former spiritual leader of Iran Ayatollah Ruhollah, forcing Rushdie to drastically limit his public appearances and to move frequently from residence to residence, all the time being accompanied by bodyguards.

The Satanic Verses has been banned in many predominantly Muslim countries where the preference to tenuously keep civil harmony has been chosen over the desire to permit free speech. Stalin viewed the text as an unwanted commentary on his ruling style, leading him to display his power to ban it in the Soviet Union, which remained in effect until The controversial novel followed an average citizen in his attempt to escape the omnipresent eye of a dystopian government and espoused themes concerning the nature of nationalism, sexual repression, censorship, and privacy.

It is important to note that Nineteen Eighty-Four stirred controversy in places other than Russia. Various social groups in the United States also denounced the novel and attempted to have it removed from bookstores. What is ironic about these attacks on the novel, though, is that factions from opposite ends of the political spectrum both wanted it banned—some claiming that it was pro-communism while others claiming that it was antigovernment.

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In a U. It took some convincing from his wife to publish the novel, and it was released by a noted pornographic press in France in In the end, I settled for interviews with two doctors: one whom I knew believed doctors should not report their patients, and the other whom I suspected of having reported a patient.

Bernadette Rosario pseudonym was born into a medical family and raised in San Salvador. The neighborhood is only a mile or two from the public hospital where Beatriz waited out her ordeal. It consists of several tall buildings arrayed around a circular patch of grass.

In the middle of the grass, a bronze statue of an enormous golden hand cradles a tiny baby in its palm. Patients at the private hospitals buy their privacy—no one ever reveals their secrets. You could lose your medical license and spend three to six years in prison for breaching patient confidentiality. Your reputation and your livelihood depend on them. Maybe five percent.

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The rest, mostly those who are retired or on pensions, get something in between. Generally speaking, we too live in a tiered health-care system. And, of course, doctors in public hospitals typically are young, hoping to build a reputation and then to start a private practice. Rosario had done little to conceal her opinion that patient confidentiality should preclude abortion reports to police. But then, she was allied with the opponents of the abortion law. I wondered if health-care providers who supported the ban, who believed abortion was murder, nonetheless felt bound by patient confidentiality.

When abortion is illegal, it is unsafe. In El Salvador, scores of women die every year from illegal abortions. They are the women who live far from cities, in cinder-block homes with dirt floors and no running water. They are the women who continue to use coat hangers in the age of the Internet because they cannot afford to purchase abortion drugs online.

In addition, banning abortion changes the lives of girls, who, because they cannot get an abortion, become mothers as teenagers. El Salvador has one of the highest rates of unwed teen motherhood in the world; a Pan American Health Organization report noted that one in four births in El Salvador is to women ages fifteen to nineteen.

It also increases the odds of a life lived in crushing poverty, of marginal education and employment, of vulnerability to the violence and chaos that scores the lives of the poorest Salvadorans. Some girls, faced with that prospect, opt to kill themselves.

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Government statistics reveal that three out of eight maternal deaths in El Salvador are the result of suicide among pregnant girls under nineteen. Many of these girls have suffered rape and sexual abuse, and are silenced by the shame of these humiliations, in addition to the stigma of pregnancy. Across the globe, one finds similar trends. Where abortion is illegal, there are high rates of medical complications and deaths due to illegal abortion.

There are high rates of teen pregnancies. Pregnant teens commit suicide. For opponents of the abortion ban, each of these trends is a clear indictment of the law. The most intense condemnation of abortion typically is reserved for women whose motives seem entirely selfish. The wealthy, married woman for whom a baby is inconvenient or the woman who has an abortion because she wants to be able to wear her bikini. What is true for El Salvador will be doubly true in wealthier countries, where women will have many more options for ending an unwanted pregnancy in a relatively safe, discrete way.


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In El Salvador, the women accused of abortion are among the poorest women in the country. They seldom know the doctors they meet at the public hospitals where they get care. And in most cases, their doctors understand very little about them. These women are so poor and marginal that their doctors find it hard to understand their responses to crisis.

Their world is so unfamiliar that it becomes possible for doctors, and later prosecutors and judges, to project their own fears onto it, inventing motives for crimes in the process. To the woman in labor who fell down the steep path to the latrine, they impute the intention to conceal her delivery and kill her child. She must have wanted the child to suffocate in the muck so that she could avoid the burden of raising it on her own, with no husband and no money.

The lucky ones have lawyers who spend years undoing the errors that led to their convictions. But there is no way to undo the harm brought on by a state that took a woman in crisis, having arrived at a hospital hemorrhaging and in pain, having given birth alone, having lost a child, and treated her like a criminal. It is tempting to say these cases will not arise in the United States. But here, too, doctors can be suspicious of women who live on the margins of society, of those they meet only in the emergency rooms of public hospitals.

In July , when police in a South Carolina community near Charleston protested the inclusion of The Hate U Give on a summer reading list, the controversy made international headlines. According to the article, principal Dr. While most of us likely have strong opinions on this question, Christopher J.

The study was conducted before the publication of The Hate U Give, so it was not on the list. For starters, the research showed that young readers with the most exposure to challenged books actually demonstrated a higher level of civic awareness and engagement. Ferguson reiterated that mental health concerns only related to a small subset of students in the study. Indeed, given the results for civic behavior, it could be argued that efforts to restrict banned books from the majority of youth are misguided.

This study illuminates the benefits of reading novels like The Hate U Give that might challenge perspectives and helps us to better understand complex social issues, particularly when it leads to discussion in a classroom, with parents or among peers. Which applies not only students, but to all of us.