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On 22 May , the Royal Thai Armed Forces, led by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Commander of the Royal Thai Army (RTA), launched a coup d'état, the 12th.
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New Online. Views 1, Citations 0. View Metrics. Research Letter. Nikan K. Published online January 8, Limit characters. Limit 25 characters. Conflicts of Interest Disclosure Identify all potential conflicts of interest that might be relevant to your comment. Err on the side of full disclosure. Yes, I have potential conflicts of interest. No, I do not have potential conflicts of interest.
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The following information is required and must be completed in order to submit a comment:. He did not have to take off his hat or avert his gaze. His journey from peonage to full citizenship seemed near-complete. Only one item was missing—a home, that final badge of entry into the sacred order of the American middle class of the Eisenhower years. The community was anchored by the sprawling Sears, Roebuck headquarters. But out in the tall grass, highwaymen, nefarious as any Clarksdale kleptocrat, were lying in wait.
Three months after Clyde Ross moved into his house, the boiler blew out. His payments were made to the seller, not the bank. And Ross had not signed a normal mortgage. In a contract sale, the seller kept the deed until the contract was paid in full—and, unlike with a normal mortgage, Ross would acquire no equity in the meantime. The men who peddled contracts in North Lawndale would sell homes at inflated prices and then evict families who could not pay—taking their down payment and their monthly installments as profit.
Ross had tried to get a legitimate mortgage in another neighborhood, but was told by a loan officer that there was no financing available. The truth was that there was no financing for people like Clyde Ross. From the s through the s, black people across the country were largely cut out of the legitimate home-mortgage market through means both legal and extralegal.
Their efforts were buttressed by the federal government. In , Congress created the Federal Housing Administration. The FHA insured private mortgages, causing a drop in interest rates and a decline in the size of the down payment required to buy a house. But an insured mortgage was not a possibility for Clyde Ross.
The FHA had adopted a system of maps that rated neighborhoods according to their perceived stability. They were colored in red. Neither the percentage of black people living there nor their social class mattered.
Black people were viewed as a contagion. Redlining went beyond FHA-backed loans and spread to the entire mortgage industry, which was already rife with racism, excluding black people from most legitimate means of obtaining a mortgage. The devastating effects are cogently outlined by Melvin L.
Oliver and Thomas M. In Chicago and across the country, whites looking to achieve the American dream could rely on a legitimate credit system backed by the government. Blacks were herded into the sights of unscrupulous lenders who took them for money and for sport. The kill was profitable. During this period, according to one estimate, 85 percent of all black home buyers who bought in Chicago bought on contract.
Clyde Ross still lives there. He still owns his home. He is 91, and the emblems of survival are all around him—awards for service in his community, pictures of his children in cap and gown. But when I asked him about his home in North Lawndale, I heard only anarchy. He was sitting at his dining-room table. His glasses were as thick as his Clarksdale drawl. So how dumb am I?
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I just left this mess. I just left no laws. And no regard. And then I come here and get cheated wide open. You could fall through the cracks easy fighting these white people. And no law. But fight Clyde Ross did. Contract sellers used every tool at their disposal to pilfer from their clients.
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They scared white residents into selling low. They presented themselves as real-estate brokers, when in fact they were the owners. They guided their clients to lawyers who were in on the scheme. The Contract Buyers League fought back. They refused to pay their installments, instead holding monthly payments in an escrow account. Ross and the Contract Buyers League were no longer appealing to the government simply for equality.
They were no longer fleeing in hopes of a better deal elsewhere. They were charging society with a crime against their community. They wanted the crime publicly ruled as such. And they wanted restitution for the great injury brought upon them by said offenders. In , Clyde Ross and the Contract Buyers League were no longer simply seeking the protection of the law. They were seeking reparations. A ccording to the most-recent statistics , North Lawndale is now on the wrong end of virtually every socioeconomic indicator.
In its population was , Today it is 36, The neighborhood is 92 percent black. Its homicide rate is 45 per ,—triple the rate of the city as a whole. The infant-mortality rate is 14 per 1,—more than twice the national average. Forty-five percent of all households are on food stamps—nearly three times the rate of the city at large. Sears, Roebuck left the neighborhood in , taking 1, jobs with it.
North Lawndale is an extreme portrait of the trends that ail black Chicago.
Thai coup d'état - Wikipedia
Such is the magnitude of these ailments that it can be said that blacks and whites do not inhabit the same city. When the Harvard sociologist Robert J. Sampson examined incarceration rates in Chicago in his book, Great American City , he found that a black neighborhood with one of the highest incarceration rates West Garfield Park had a rate more than 40 times as high as the white neighborhood with the highest rate Clearing.
The lives of black Americans are better than they were half a century ago. The humiliation of Whites Only signs are gone. Rates of black poverty have decreased. Black teen-pregnancy rates are at record lows—and the gap between black and white teen-pregnancy rates has shrunk significantly.
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But such progress rests on a shaky foundation, and fault lines are everywhere. The income gap between black and white households is roughly the same today as it was in Patrick Sharkey, a sociologist at New York University, studied children born from through and found that 4 percent of whites and 62 percent of blacks across America had been raised in poor neighborhoods.
A generation later, the same study showed, virtually nothing had changed. And whereas whites born into affluent neighborhoods tended to remain in affluent neighborhoods, blacks tended to fall out of them. This is not surprising. Black families, regardless of income, are significantly less wealthy than white families.