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Table of contents

The twice "widowed" Ellen Halloway, having disappeared into the wilderness at the end of Richardson's Wacousta, re-emerges from "the old Canadian trees" in Cohen's Beautiful Losers as Edith 60 , running first into the arms of I, and then into F's warm embrace or vice-versa, depending on whose version of events we accept. Edith, true to her vanishing tribe, the " A — , " is both earthy and ethereal, passed back and forth between I and F "like a package of mud," hovering over them like a "holy star" , But once again like Ellen, and—even closer to home—Catherine Tekakwitha, Edith remains the "unassimilatable" other in the cinematic melt-down that takes place in the final section of Cohen's novel, the lonely question mark at the end of all the "what IFs?

Among critics of Canadian postmodernism, Beautiful Losers is most often juxtaposed against the work of Hubert Aqu in , whose best known texts—Prochain episode and Trou de memoire —bracket the publication of Cohen's novel. According to Hutcheon, these two key "textes-nationaux" demonstrate that Aqu in "appears wi l l ing to accept the fact that the act of writ ing itself is a truly revolutionary one.

For the author, this insight involves no crude engagement on the level of political content; it is, in fact, through metafictional form that Aqu in hopes to liberate his country and his literature" Narcissistic Narrative The reader, too, is involved in this liberation, since "[t]o read is to act; to act is both to interpret and to create anew—to be revolutionary, perhaps in political as wel l as literary terms" Hutcheon, Narcissistic Narrative While I do not dispute Hutcheon's suggestion that writ ing, reading and interpreting are political acts, and 31 while I am intrigued by Soderlind's own sado-masochistic i.

Hutcheon celebrates the "metafictional paradox" inherent in the former, Soderlind the "allegorical impulse" of the latter. This is nowhere more apparent than in their respective analyses "of the formal expressions of the colonization paradigm" in Aquin 's Trou de memoire Soderlind 70 , including the "symbolic rape" of Rachel Ruskin RR by Pierre X. Magnant, revolutionary pharmacist and murderer of RR's sister, Joan. Just as rape is not consensual sex, so is its metaphorical deployment in a text not an authorial move to which every reader is wi l l ing to submit.

As both Hutcheon and Soderlind acknowledge, Aquin 's preoccupation wi th Afr ican anti-colonialist struggles in general, and with the writings of Albert Memmi and Frantz Fanon in particular, is wel l documented. What they fail to consider, however, is that the connection Aqu in felt with Fanon, for example, may not have centred solely on questions of revolutionary nationalism; it may also have had something to do with a few unresolved issues of sexuality. Contemporary postcolonial theorists owe much to the rethinking of racial alterity and national difference elaborated by Fanon in Black Skin, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth, among other texts.

Fanon's work has, even more recently, been the focus of attention for many contemporary queer theorists, several of whom have turned to his psychoanalytical writings in order to interrogate some of "Fanon's disquieting discussions of not only femininity but homosexuality" Fuss "Interior Colonies" For example, in his discussion of "Negrophobia" in chapter six of Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon takes as his central example the psycho-pathological fantasy " A Negro is raping me.

So apparently does the white man: "the Negrophobic woman is in fact nothing but a putative sexual partner—just as the Negrophobic man is a repressed homosexual" Fanon's equation of homosexuality with racism in this scenario where we would more l ikely expect to find homophobia positioned , and his subsequent discussion of homosexuality as the well-spring of virtually all internalized "hate-complexes" "Fault, Guilt , refusal of guilt, paranoia—one is back in homosexual territory" [Black Skin ] , is, to say the least, troubling.

As Jonathan Doll imore remarks, according to this logic, "The homosexual is implicated all ways round. Fuss poses the question this way: "If racism is articulated with homosexuality instead of homophobia, where are antiracist lesbians and gay men, of all colors, to position themselves in relation to same-sex desire? Fanon's theory of sexuality offers little to anyone committed to both an anti-imperialist and an antihomophobic politics" "Interior Colonies" However, far from condemning Fanon altogether, queer theorists would do wel l to examine more closely how the homophobia in Black Skin, White Masks unconsciously enacts the fear and revulsion principles analyzed by Fanon throughout the text with respect to racist stereotyping, and how this in turn points to some of the psychic limitations involved in any project of decolonization.

After al l , male homosocial desire—as theorized by Sedgwick in Between Men, and as applied by myself in this chapter—does not seem to cross colour lines that easily, frequently resulting, when it does, in cataclysm or death, as with the double suicides of Magnant and Olympe at the end of Aquin's text.

Within the context of Trou de memoire, then, Fanon's comments on "Negrophobia" complicate—to say'the least—the dominant reading of the rape in that novel "as a central metaphor, connected with a loss of memory, symbolic of the colonizer's appropriation of the colony's history" Soderlind Rather than interpreting it "formally" as "nothing but a repetition of Joan's murder," a way of 34 "implicating] Magnant in Olympe's story" Soderlind 77 , might it not be possible to see the rape of Rachel still highly problematical in its own right as a displacement of Magnant's desire for her lover Olympe, his Afr ican double, the dark other in him self?

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In this regard, the psycho-pathological premises of "Negrophobia" described by Fanon are reflected, to a certain degree, in Magnant's "phobie d'impuissance": "Mon comportement sexuel est a l'image d'un comportement national frappe d'impuissance: plus ca va, plus je sens bien que je veux violer. Ce desenchantement ressemble trop a une phobie d'impuissance. Fatigue, je reve a la plenitude du viol" ; "My sexual behaviour is the reflection of a national behaviour whose hallmark is impotence; the easier the going the more I want to rape.

M y disenchantment is too close to being a phobia of impotence. Weary, I dream of the plenitude of rape" [Blackout 90]. Whereas, in Trou de memoire, Magnant tells himself that his "puissance veritable. Either way, phallic deficiency and phallic plenitude in both Aqu in and Fanon consolidate themselves within "a sort of tableau of narcissism" Gates , an anamorphic hall of mirrors in which homophobia and misogyny become the manifest although no less reprehensible to this reader external responses to other forms of internalized self-loathing induced by colonialism.

Such a re doubled reading of national and sexual alterity likewise finds expression in Aquin 's Prochain episode. Just as the hero of Aquin 's narrative of 3 5 national liberation fails to ki l l his enemy, H. Patricia Smart has indicated how this particular triangular structure—which w i l l resurface again in chapter four—of Oedipal desire and rivalry is in some senses unique to Quebec. For his part, Robert Schwartzwald has noted that "the obsession for hetero sexual conquest that is so prominent in Aquin 's novels, complete with its litanies of masculine connoisseurship, functions as a doomed compensatory mechanism.

Its invariably unsuccessful resolution barely masks the homosexual panic that really fuels Aquin 's writ ing" "Fear of Federasty" Moreover, commenting on Aquin 's influence on Scott Symons a connection I shall explore at greater length in chapter three , Robert K. Mart in points out that in Quebec nationalist writ ing, "the desire to rape is accompanied by a desire to be raped, not on the part of women but on the part of men, in the context of national guilt.

If the 'missionary posit ion' is always on top, then the antimissionary must always be buggered" "Cheap Tricks" So too with the anti-revolutionary, it would seem. Indeed, if there is an insurrectionary bond established between writer and reader in Aquin 's texts it is one that, much like the connection forged between writer and reader in Richardson's Wacousta or Ross's As For Me and M y House, is "homoerotically charged" Schwartzwald, "Fear of Federasty" While I f irmly believe that "que e rying" the canon requires making space for "new" textual voices, I also believe that such a process requires the simultaneous re-reading of "old" voices in "new" ways.

In this sense, as Sedgwick notes, virtually every national literary "canon as it exists is already such a [homosocial] canon, and most so when it is most heterosexual" Between Men 17 —which is also to say when a canon is most patriarchal. This is certainly the case with Canadian literature, whose patterns of sexual dissimulation, as we shall discover at greater length in chapter four, were distressingly apparent to someone as virulently misogynist and homophobic as Aqu in.

A n d , moreover, as the example of Aqu in further illustrates, both inside and outside the system of containment known as Canadian canon-formation the histories of nationalism and sexuality are neither discrete nor autonomous as the broad parameters encompassed by the Lecker-Davey debate would have us believe , but rather inextricably "enmeshed" Mosse M y use of the term "enmeshed" is deliberate here; it is meant to indicate that the political and theoretical impulses motivating this dissertation owe something to the pioneering work of historian George Mosse.

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In Nationalism and Sexuality, Mosse sketches a double history of modern European nationalism and bourgeois—or "respectable"—sexuality as they emerged together at the end of the 37 eighteenth century, and coalesced in the early twentieth century, in part helping to facilitate the rise of German National Socialism. In so doing, Mosse points out that the normative assumptions behind our understanding of nationalism and sexuality today, assumptions which we frequently take for granted or regard as conceptually immutable, were in fact thoroughly innovative in European middle-class society two hundred years ago: "manners and morals, as wel l as sexual norms, are part of the historical process.

We must appreciate the relativity of such values in order to understand how they came to be allied wi th nationalism. What one regards as normal or abnormal behavior, sexual or otherwise, is a product of historical development, not universal law" 3. In this passage Mosse clearly aligns himself with the "social constructionist" sympathies of Benedict Anderson and Michel Foucault, who in their respective analyses of "the origins of nationalism" and the "history of sexuality" argue that national and sexual "communities" are "imagined," or discursively produced.

In what is arguably the most influential academic study of nationalism in the past decade, Anderson, for example, links the development of what he calls "imagined nation-ness" with the "convergence of capitalism and print technology" on language in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries Chatterjee's "central objection" to Anderson's argument stems from the latter's inherent conflation of nationalisms. Anticolonial nationalisms in Asia and Afr ica, Chatterjee goes on to argue, have imagined an "'inner' domain" of sovereignty "within" colonial society that at the same time manages to be "without" it, in that the imperialist powers are exempt from it.

This inner, or "spiritual," domain of sovereignty, which Chatterjee distinguishes from the "material" domain, and which he discusses most fully in connection wi th Bengal, would seem to be roughly analogous to Fanon's formulation, in The Wretched of the Earth, of "national consciousness," a term which Fanon in turn distinguishes from "nationalism," and which he claims "takes on in Afr ica a special dimension": "the awareness of a simple rule which wil ls that every independent nation in an Africa where colonialism is still entrenched is an encircled nation, a nation which is fragile and in permanent danger" The difference of course is that Fanon, unlike Chatterjee, is writ ing from a 39 psychoanalytical perspective; what Chatterjee labels the "spiritual" springs for Fanon from "unconscious" desires.

The dynamics of this historical project is [sic] completely missed in conventional histories in which the story of nationalism begins with the contest for political power" The Nation 6; my emphasis. There is no "true and essential domain" of sexuality according to Foucault; but its history is very much that of a contest for power.

A s he puts it in the first volume of The History of Sexuality, "discourses on sex did not mult iply apart from or against power, but in the very space and as the means of its exercise" Moreover, his famous reevaluation of the "repressive hypothesis" locates the shift from loosely defined interdictions against certain kinds of "sodomitical" behaviour or activity to the naming of "homosexuality" as a category—and the "homosexual" as a "specific" type of deviant individual—firmly within the convergence of medico-juridical discourses in the late nineteeth century see The 40 History of Sexuality, Vo l.

Foucault is actually even more precise, pinpointing as the "date of birth" of "the psychological, psychiatric, medical category of homosexuality": As defined by the ancient civi l or canonical codes, sodomy was a category of forbidden acts; their perpetrator was nothing more than the juridical subject of them. The nineteenth-century homosexual became a personage, a past, a case history, and a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, a morphology, wi th an indiscreet anatomy and possibly a mysterious physiology.

The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species. Foucault was constantly modifying and revising his own argument in the subsequent volumes of The History of Sexuality, returning to the examples of ancient Greece and Rome in order to outline an "ethic of care of the self" based on the "uses of pleasure" to modify slightly the titles of volumes three and two, respectively. Ed Cohen, whose own project of constructing a "genealogy of a discourse on male sexualities" in Talk on the Wilde Side owes much to the work of Foucault, acknowledges that the increasingly polemical divide among historians and theorists of sexuality and sexual communities "is itself constructed upon political questions represented through concrete historical and semantic issues.

For what appears to be at stake in the historiographic debates about dating 'homosexuality' is how we ought to evaluate the ways this concept still organizes our own engagements with and transformations of the current historical moment" Or, perhaps more pertinently, the ways in which these largely academic debates fail to organize urban gay communities whose collective engagements wi th history on the day-to-day level of protest and activism remain for the most part framed within a paradigm of identity politics.

As Steven Epstein suggests, "constructionism poses a real and direct threat to the ethnic legitimation [of the 'gay masses']: people who base their claims to social rights on the basis of a group identity w i l l not appreciate being told that that identity is just a social construct" Rejecting both "strict constructionism" and "strict essentialism" as theoretically inadequate and politically ineffective positions from which to analyze homosexual identity, Epstein nevertheless strategically modifies some key 42 essentialist tenets in developing his concept of "gay ethnicity" as a "politically defensible starting point from which the gay movement can evolve in a progressive direction" Such a "modified constructionism," according to Epstein, "implies a more comprehensive understanding of power, and of the dialectical relationship between identities as self-expressions and identities as ascriptive impositions" Similarly, in her reading of the Subaltern Studies collective's attempts to "situate" subaltern consciousness and, concomitantly, postcolonial agency within the narrative "metalepsis" of elite historiography, Gayatri Spivak endorses what she sees "as a strategic use of positivist essentialism in a scrupulously visible political interest" "Subaltern Studies" To be sure, Epstein's "modified constructionism" and Spivak's "strategic essentialism" are not political panaceas; they are merely elegant rhetorical circumventions of an ongoing theoretical impasse.

In practice, there wi l l always remain a danger that what begins as provisional and interventionary wi l l eventually solidify into a permanent re-entrenchment of absolutist positions a pedagogical point to which I shall return in my final chapter. In keeping with the situationally dependent nature of strategy, however, I would add that in certain circumstances it may just be that the "risk" is wel l worth tak ing. Nor should it be.

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Still, as Fuss has persuasively argued, "The bar between essentialism 43 and constructionism is by no means as solid and unassailable as advocates of both sides assume it to be" Essentially Speaking xii. Indeed, more and more critics are beginning to speak in terms of "co-implications" Mohanty, "On Race and Voice" and "cross-identifications" Butler and Martin , to theorize difference as historically contextual and relationally contigent.

That is, within the overlapping ideologies of race, gender, and sexuality both whites and blacks, men and women, straights and gays "share certain histories as wel l as certain responsibilities" Mohanty, "On Race and Voice" As I see it, one of my primary responsibilities in this dissertation is to rethink the hotly contested issue of identity, both nationally and sexually. This necessarily means beginning with where I am: a white Anglo-Scots gay male Ph. However, moving forward from this locational context—be it corporeal, institutional, geographical, or whatever—requires something more, a sort of referential leap of faith, an acceptance of identities as non-identical.

What I mean by this apparent tautology is that the process of self-identification w i l l always be partial because procurement of a given identity only occurs in relation to that which is "Other. In this sense, I am attempting to heed the call announced by Schwartzwald at the end of his essay on the "Problematics of Identity in Quebec," an essay which I w i l l have occasion to refer to again in chapter four. He concludes his analysis of the conscription and naturalization of sexual difference within Quebecois social theorists' narratives of national identity by suggesting to both "theorists of the subject-nation" and "sex-gender theorists" a mutual interrogation of and "constructive engagement" wi th each other's "variegated claims" on the "unavoidably common terrain of identity" , Of course, as Henry Abelove and others have so astutely intuited, one such "constructive engagement"—or "enmeshment," to return to Mosse's phrase—of the national and the sexual is encapsulated in the tactics and strategies deployed by, not to mention the very name of, "Queer Nation" see Abelove, "From Thoreau to Queer Politics".

In an article that is equal parts theoretical rumination, documentary history, and radical manifesto, Lauren Berlant and Elizabeth Freeman maintain that "Queer Nation's outspoken promotion of a national sexuality not only discloses that mainstream national identity touts a subliminal sexuality more official than a state flower or national bird, but also makes explicit how thoroughly the local experience of the body is framed by laws, policies, and social customs regulating sexuality" Trading upon or, more properly, "camping" the structures of identification and the economies of exchange central to the promotion and maintenance of a nationalist-capitalist ideology, the organization's intertwining of the national with the sexual, its commingling of 45 multiple and manifold publics, polities, communities, and symbolic cultures, according to Berlant and Freeman, is both a reclamation of nationality specifically for "pleasure" and a subversion of it.

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Queer Nation's insurrectionary rhetoric claims all social spaces "as 'national' sites ripe both for transgression and legitimate visibility. Its tactics are to cross borders, to occupy spaces, and to mime the privileges of normality" Berlant and Freeman O n the subject of borders, and the crossing of borders, perhaps no one has written more eloquently or more powerfully than Gloria Anzaldua.


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In Borderlands I ha Frontera: The New Mestiza, she describes, in poetry and prose, her experience as a "border woman," growing up Chicana and lesbian along the U. Commenting on this l iminal space, and her contradictory and shifting occupation of it, Anzaldua writes: "A borderland is a vague and undetermined place created by the emotional residue of an unnatural boundary.

It is in a constant state of transition. The prohibited and forbidden are its inhabitants. Los atravesados l ive here: the squint-eyed, the perverse, the queer, the troublesome, the mongrel, the mulatto, the half-breed" 3. This territory, as Anzaldua acknowledges, is by no means an easy or comfortable area to inhabit. In this pos t -NAFTA era, however, Anzaldua's remarks take on added significance, if only because free trade seems to have resulted in a tightening rather than a relaxing of borders: financial capital and raw materials may pass back and forth relatively unrestricted, but not people, especially if those people are dark-skinned and speak Spanish.

Al though expressed differently than in Mexico, "border consciousness," and particularly consciousness of the U.


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  6. Distinguishing between "borderlines" and "borderlands," Russell Brown argues that whereas the former "defines Canada in terms of difference, in terms of what lies on its other side, or of what it does not, or w i l l not, admit," the latter is "a place that draws all things into it, a place identified with the middle ground, with the union of opposites, and wi th mediation" Within Brown's discursive taxonomy, then, borders become at once self-defining and self-limiting, representative of a state of in-betweenness that is itself politically and socially circumscribed.

    In this regard, it is worth pointing out that Brown is speaking primarily about English-Canadians' experiences of borders, especially internationally vis-a-vis the U. Avo id ing such potentially problematic binarisms, Marshal l McLuhan argued, a decade or more before Brown published in , McLuhan's essay was originally broadcast on the C B C in , that Canada constitutes a "borderline case," plain and simple. Wel l , perhaps not so simple.

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    For, according to McLuhan, "Canada is a land of multiple borderlines, psychic, social, and geographic" ; my emphasis ; each borderline, moreover, "is an area of spiraling repetition and replay, of both inputs and feedback, of both interlace and interface, an area of 'double ends joined,' of rebirth and metamorphosis" This condition of multiple borderlines contributes to what McLuhan calls "Canada's low-profile [national] identity" , which, far from being a hindrance in the "global village," "nourishes flexibility" and "approaches the ideal pattern of electronic l iv ing" , As McLuhan argued elsewhere, in Culture is Our Business, "Homogeneity, the old ideal of nation, is useless in the global theatre of gaps and interfaces" In this regard, McLuhan—whose The Gutenberg Galaxy anticipated Anderson's central thesis by some 20 years—provides me wi th my strongest conceptual l ink back to a more specifically Canadian literary context.

    For it is McLuhan to whom Northrop Frye appeals near the end of his "Conclusion" to the first edition of the Literary History of Canada in arguing that contemporary Canadian literature is, in effect, post-national: "The writers of the last decade, at least, have begun to write in a world which is post-Canadian, as it is post American, post-British, and post everything except the wor ld itself" The Bush Garden Frye put it even more explicitly two years later—this time without recourse to McLuhan—in The Modern Century: "What is important about the last century, in [Canada], is not that we have been a nation for a hundred years, but that we have had a hundred years in which to make the transition from a pre-national to a post-national consciousness" Picking up, in many respects, where McLuhan and Frye leave off, Frank Davey has recently invoked the term "post-national" in his survey of "the politics of the Anglophone-Canadian novel since Post-national is of course not the same as post-nationalz'sf.

    While my own use of "post-national" is necessarily imbricated wi th the successive meanings that critics like McLuhan, Frye, and Davey have attached to the term, I want also to stress that my application of it to various texts throughout this dissertation is roughly analogous to my use of the literary-critical terms "postcolonial" and "postmodernist. Ironically, the "social imagination" which Frye outlines at the beginning of his "Conclusion," an imagination that "explores and settles and develops" according to "its own rhythms of growth" and "modes of expression," is anything but post-national The Bush Garden ; it is, in fact, grounded in the myth of two founding nations.