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- (PDF) Neocleous-The Monstrous and the Dead: Burke, Marx, Fascism | Mark Neocleous - leondumoulin.nl
- Speaking of Monsters
Analyses of the monster tend to suggest that, culturally speaking, monsters are defined by their categorical ambiguity and troubling mobility. It exceeds the very basis of classification, language itself: it is an excess of signifi- cation, a strange byproduct or leftover of the process of making and meaning. It is an imaginary being who comes to life in language and, once having done so, cannot be eliminated from language.
As simultaneously inside and outside, the monster disrupts the politics of identity and the security of borders. The monster and its mobility thus represents something crucial: disorder. The monster is, in essence, a threat to order. Behind the representation of the revolu- tionary events as monstrous is the assumption that organic and political order are one and the same.
The unease produced by the monster is thus a form of dis-ease. For Burke the monstrosity was partly a result of the excessive and obsessive interest in experiment, computing, sorcery, alchemy and chemistry on the part of the revolutionaries. The general point is that, just as the natural order is supposedly threatened by the various monsters it sometimes spawns, so the socio-political order appears to be threatened by the various monsters it spawns.
Of course, for Burke the socio-political order he is defending is in some sense a natural order, and on these grounds the monster metaphor makes perfect sense. To develop the argument here I will suggest that the monster Burke so feared at this stage possessed such categorical ambigu- ity and troubling mobility, and was harbinger of such a category crisis, that it had not yet been properly named and rendered an integral part of the social order.
It had not yet been named: as the proletariat. Why the proletariat? This allows him to introduce the question of the labouring class and the level of wages. That class receives two million sterling annually from the classes above it. It pays no such amount towards any publick contribution. For Burke, the experience of the sublime is confined to a cultivated few. The closest the labouring mass get to the experience of the sublime is in nothing less than their labour.
In so doing, it becomes nothing but a mob. One mob is hired to destroy another; a procedure which at once encourages the boldness of the populace, and justly increases their discontent. They [the mob] must respect that property of which they cannot partake. They must labour to obtain what by labour can be obtained; and when they find, as they commonly do, the success disproportioned to the endeavour, they must be taught their consolation in the final proportions of eternal justice.
And what in turn Burke fears most from this revolutionary fervour is the loss of reverence and fear on the part of the labouring mass of the population. In employing the figure of the monster in this way Burke was building on an established tradition in the ideological strategies of the ruling class. Historians such as Christopher Hill, Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker have shown at length the extent to which one particular monster, the many-headed hydra, figures as an ideological ploy in ruling class discourse.
The myth of the many- headed hydra was thus intended to capture the difficulty of imposing order on increasingly global and mobile systems of labour. As such, one might extend the kind of political teratology explored by these writers well beyond the hydra to many other forms of monster.
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Yet on the other hand Burke is writing during the period in which the Gothic literary form had become predominant. Now, this argument cannot be made without a couple of important qualifying comments. First, we must note with C. It would be unreasonable to read Burke as having a clear and coherent class conception of the Revolution. And yet it is in part precisely this lack of clarity which encourages Burke to use the notion of the monstrous — he simply has no other way of thinking through such an as yet unidentifiable and yet threatening political force.
Or, to put it in the aesthetic terms of the Philosophical Enquiry, it was a way for Burke to identify the multitude as no longer awe-ful, but as now merely awful. None of this argument is intended to imply that the French Revolution was some kind of proletarian uprising, for that would clearly be absurd. Nor is it to downplay the enormous political, social and historical differences between the Gordon Riots, the French Revolution and the later political actions of the organized proletariat.
And as I have suggested, it is also not to imply that the proletariat was clearly identifiable to Burke or anyone else in this period. In utilizing the monster this way Burke therefore seeks to score a political as well as an aesthetic point.
(PDF) Neocleous-The Monstrous and the Dead: Burke, Marx, Fascism | Mark Neocleous - leondumoulin.nl
What was at stake in the Revolution was nothing less than a monstrous movement creating a monstrous society. In grappling ideologically with such a moment and movement Burke developed a political rhetoric which became a standard device of bourgeois ideology. It is a rhetoric which avoids talking of class directly and instead tends to employ either insults the swinish multitude , or euphemisms hairdressers , or both. It also tends to employ abstractions — the mob or, of course, the monster. Attending the British Conservative Party conference in , Sarah Benton tried to discuss with delegates the reasons why they were conservative.
But as Timothy Beal notes, making enemies into monsters is a kind of conjuring, and conjuring is always risky because it runs the risk of producing more than one bargains for. That is, it runs the risk of more than simply marking out a clear enemy. But the ambi- guity probably assists in the ideological role they play in some political arguments. Giving some kind of name to an otherwise invisible adversary — naming the unnameable — is crucial to the political construction of social fear which drives conservatism as a political ideology and strategy.
But not only conservatism, for as we shall see in Chapter 3, conservatism here shares with fascism a fundamental psychic trope which easily doubles up as a reactionary political tool. Scratch a conservative and, as we shall see, a fascist and the fear is always there, just below the surface. What you will encounter is fear.
Speaking of Monsters
Fear of crime. Fear of enemies. Fear of change. Fear of people not exactly like them. And, of course, fear of losing any money on anything. Those Marxists and muggers, anarchists and liberals, young blacks and single mothers are all configured as monsters existing in the darkness of history, but whose existence helps keep alive that fear without which there can be no rule. A sense of this was originally picked up by Thomas Paine. In his defence of the rights of man Paine also saw himself as defending what he thought of as the rights of the living over the claims of the dead.
Thus Paine makes clear: as government is for the living, and not for the dead, it is the living only that has any right in it. That which may be thought right and found convenient in one age, may be thought wrong and found inconvenient in another. In such cases, Who is to decide, the living, or the dead?
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For in working with a simple distinction between a politics which values the dead to one which talks up the rights of the living, it leaves the dead to be appropriated for the conservative vision of posterity or, worse still, for another politics of the right. This claim can only be sustained as I develop the argument concerning the dead in Chapters 2 and 3.
The remainder of this chapter, instead, focuses specifically on Burke. Society, then, is like all corporate bodies: eternal or immortal, and is so for the good of its members. Even arguments are more convincing when they come from the dead. Now, on an initial reading this conception of death and the socio- political importance of the past might appear at odds with part of the argument concerning the sublime.
The sublime, recall, is on the side of novelty. But in the Reflections Burke appears to be stressing tradition rather than novelty, and the established against the original. Yet this apparent disjunction between the two texts is in fact less of a disjunction than it at first appears, because the sublime, while associated with novelty, is also associated with death.
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The fear of death, it turns out, is nothing less than the underlying dynamic of the sublime, the yardstick against which other forms of fear and terror should be measured. The real issue in linking the Philosophical Enquiry and the Reflections, it seems, is not so much that Burke has moved from championing the aesthetics of originality and individual experience to championing authority and precedent, but that there is a tension between a set of psychological and aesthetic assumptions about the fear of death on the one hand, and a set of political and philosophical demands for reverence for the dead on the other.
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For if death is the underlying dynamic of the sublime, then the political position which comes closest to grasping the significance of death is the one which can lay greatest claim to being a form of politics centred on a proper understanding of the sublime and thus, in a sense, sublime in itself. The only political position which can grasp this sublimity is one which holds that society is eternal. If society is eternal, then the present itself is a manifestation of eternal society. This is why the present must be protected from the radicals and revolutionaries.
We reform, says the conservative, to preserve; and we seek to preserve the present. At the heart of this idea is a politics of reconciliation.