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Table of contents
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Adverse impacts specifically related to women in developing nations. Sectoral Analysis and Policy Recommendations. Poverty and Sustainable Livelihoods. Wisconsin International Law Journal. Archived from the original on — via HighBeam Research. Social Studies. National Geographic. Journal of International Affairs. The World Bank. Water International. Environment and Urbanization.
January International Feminist Journal of Politics.
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Natural Resources Forum, 28 3 : Waterfront, , Gender and Development, 7 3 : Economic and Political Weekly. July Progress in Development Studies. Florence: Taylor and Francis. Gender and Climate Change: An Introduction. New York: Taylor and Francis. Access to water, and its social organization, are intimately tied up with power relations. This book provides an overview of gender, equity and water issues relevant to South Asia.
The essays empirically illustrate and theoretically argue how gender intersects with other axes of social differences such as class, caste, ethnicity, age and religion to shape water access, use and management practices. Certain chores are seen, as female, especially, child nurturing, and many household duties, while others are male coded, such as, cattle production and use of mechanical tools.
Gender theory argues that this is not a naturally given order, but socially charged and constructed roles [13]. Gender Frameworks as Analytical Techniques While choosing a framework, it is important to understand theoretical underpinnings as each framework differs in its assumption of what needs to be addressed and analyzed. In examining gender inequalities, gender framework can help further shape thinking on key aspects of gender power relations, research questions, data collection and data analysis.
This ultimately helps in assessing key aspects of power relations and gender inequalities. These relations shape access to resources, control over resources, participation in decision-making activities within households and communities. Gender analysis therefore views relations between men and women as socially shaped differences of roles and expectations that are culturally specific. However, gender relations can change over time thus requiring changes in the views and actions of men as well as women. This framework helps in collecting information at micro-level i.
This rationalizes the understanding of household dynamics to address the issues such as, who deals with and controls labor within households; how rights and access to resources are assigned; and, how the balance between productive and reproductive activities within households is achieved.
Caroline Moser identified triple roles for women as reproductive, productive and community managing activities [16]. Reproductive work involves the care and maintenance of the household and its member; productive work involves the goods and services for consumption and trade; and community work involves social events and services, participation in groups and organizations.
Thus, key domains that constitute gender power relations can be understood through the following questions: i Gender activity profile: This inquires about who does what both at household and community level related to water management the division of labor and everyday practices ; ii Gender resource profile: This profile clarifies and documents who has access to resources such as: land, labor, water, seed, extension services etc. This defines and identifies factors that shape differences between men and women including how values are defined social norms, ideologies, beliefs and perceptions , institutional structures and who decides nature of government, rules and decision-making, training and education etc.
These domains are not static, but are actively nurtured, maintained or disputed. Women often do use and have access to water, but few women are involved in its management. Women, largely responsible for water collection in their communities, are more sensitive to the changes in seasonal and climatic conditions that affect water quantity and accessibility, which make its collection even more time-consuming. Research reported that increased frequency of droughts led to women walking greater distances to collect water, often ranging from 10 to 15 km a day [18].
This confronts women with personal security risks, keeps young girls out of school and imposes an immense physical burden.
Diverting the Flow: Gender Equity and Water in South Asia – Zubaan
A few studies from Nepal on traditional community managed irrigation systems exist that do take gender into account in describing water rights []. Women do not have access to irrigation as individuals, rather through the relationship with their male right holders. It is always likely that women would lose such form of water access upon divorce [22].
From the coverage area, ward 7 core urban area and 14 peripheral area were selected, while from non-coverage area, two slum communities, namely Bishnu Chowk Squatter-1 and Makalu Basti Squatter-2 were selected purposively based on population, location and severity of water problem. In Squatter-1, there was no private connection of pipeline and people depended on public stand post and surface water.
While for Squatter-2, there was distribution of water from public stand post as well as water supply as private pipelines from community managed water system. Likewise, in the core urban area people are dependent only on the water supply from NWSC-D, while in the peripheral area, people depend on supply from NDWC-D as well as on natural spring water. This study involved a mixed method approach including both qualitative and quantitative data.
Data collection was conducted through household survey, focus group discussion FGD , and key informants interview KII. A reconnaissance survey was carried out in Dharan in order to conceptualize the real situation of ongoing practices and acquire knowledge of the area. Before the survey, a reconnaissance survey has been conducted in the study area to test the relevance and completeness of the questionnaire. Household survey was conducted including both open and closed-ended questionnaires.
Systematic sampling process was carried out.
Firstly one house was selected randomly and then on the interval of 10 houses, subsequent households were chosen following a route. Table 1. A total of eight FGDs were conducted in the study sites, two one male and one female in each study site. The data was gathered through three interrelated tools: an activity profile, an access and control profile, and a list of influencing factors.
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Each tool contains a series of checklists of key questions. The data collected from field surveys and focus group discussions were processed and analyzed using descriptive statistics and were presented using graphs and tables. Results and Discussion Water collection Dry season is the most critical period for water supply in all four-study locations particularly in squatter settlements.
Carrying water physically is one of the water management roles that seemed reserved for women in this setting. In all four-study areas, women were found to be primary collectors of water, while results also showed that the involvement of men was comparatively higher in squatter-1 and -2 compared to the core urban and peripheral areas.
Depending on whether the households received private water supplies, women face the challenge of walking long distances to draw water. Likewise, respondents from squatter-1 spent more time for water collection during both dry and wet seasons. On an average, they spent minutes and 71 minutes during the dry and wet seasons, respectively.
Whereas, according to respondents, the core area had the lowest average time taken to collect compared to other three areas. On an average, they spent around half an hour during the wet season and nearly one hour during the dry season. Participants of the focus group discussion mentioned that the challenge of walking long distances for water collection has restricted women from participating in other community activities.
However, in some settings, it is the duty of men to carry water as it reveals masculine qualities of physical strength [23]. Both men and women respondents of squatter-1 and -2 justified the higher involvement of men in water collection by the need to travel long distances, which demands greater physical strength. The gendered nature of water collection varies with different ethnic groups. Furthermore, both men and women were found involved in water collection in all ethnic groups except the Madhesi Figure 1. Figure 1. Gender-based involvement in water collection in various ethnic groups Water conflict Conflicts related to water during collection are frequent in common points of water, which include public taps, stone spout and groundwater.
Sara Ahmed
The conflict arises mainly due to illegal and inequitable distribution of water. Respondents reported that the occurrences of conflict mainly take place in squatter communities rather than in core urban and peripheral areas. A key reason for this could be due to high water scarcity leading to competition for the resource limits. Moreover, women are more involved in water conflict than men as this tends to occur mainly at the point of collection.
During FGDs, it was reflected that the direct impact of water scarcity was felt by women, whereas, economic burden associated with water scarcity including water quality and quantity were mostly reported by men. The situation of water scarcity is likely to worsen in future with increasing population and drying of water sources as reported by the local communities. This will undoubtedly lead to further conflict situations.
Gender involvement in decision-making water management activities Women mostly make water management decisions at the household level Figure 2.