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The boat was hauling up on the painter, and was getting close ; the skipper got on to the rail ready to jump. cat the painter. he had commanded in each of which he had been expected to use less coal, As he looked into the blinding spray, he saw a large wave come out of the mist, and he knew it would swamp her.
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It was not only a source of great pleasure to the people, but more important it helped to hold them together as a society. Here were displayed for the only time during the year the symbolic objects, given by the Great Spirit, which the Seminoles needed to carry on their collective life. As new conditions arose, the Great Spirit sent an emissary with added objects suitable to cope with them. This bundle con tained all the medicine they needed to protect and preserve them, if they handled it with proper ritual.

The medicine bun dle was a Seminole innovation, for the Creeks do not seem to have had an equivalent. The Green Corn dance gave cohesion and something more. One of the days of the ritual was Court Day when the elders judged the most serious infractions of tribal mores. Moreover, at this time young men who had earned the right could drop their baby names and receive more honorable ones.

Finally, the dance was a time of general cleansing. All males, from toddlers to the oldest men, were ceremoniously scratched for purification.


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Individ ual leaders usually made the decision to open a conflict. If they could not secure some sort of endorsement from the mico and council, they had the right to set out to recruit followers with out it. But the decision for war by a warrior was not ordinarily lightly made; an unsuccessful leader, or one who brought about heavy losses among his followers, was in danger of his life from his own people. If he did not join one party, he would sooner or later have to take part in others. There was, accordingly, no problem in securing warriors and no loss from desertion.

Even so, the decision to go to war was rarely unanimous within a band, and never unanimous within the Confederation. Every man set out to purify himself, that is, to suppress the wants of the flesh and to eliminate the traces of those already gratified. He took part with the others in the ceremony of the black drink, a strong emetic which thoroughly cleansed the diges tive tract.

History of the Second Seminole War

Sitting in a circle, the warriors received the potion from a medicine man and drank it in heavy draughts. There after, from time to time, each warrior, hugging himself around the middle, belched out a spout to a distance of six to eight feet. After this ceremony, the party fasted and did not cohabit with their women.

Purity, being synonymous with abstemiousness, was essential to victory. Even while on the expedition which followed, the warriors ate little, rested hardly at all, and otherwise deprived themselves.


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Vestiges of this associa tion still persisted at the start of the Second Seminole War, but under the necessities of that conflict, which went far be yond typical Indian warfare, they faded out. Soon after the hostilities began, war parties ate and drank whenever they could; indeed, they drank themselves into a stupor when they could procure the liquor. As in most primitive societies, medicine men were im portant people.

The principal medicine man in a community could use the title "hillis haya. The Creeks and Seminoles frequently felt the presence of the spirits of their ancestors, and believed that those spirits would protect them. This belief was one pressing reason why they did not want to leave their native ground; their ancestors would remain be hind.

Visions were the stock in trade of the medicine men, but lay Indians sometimes had them too. In addition, he had at his command many useful drugs derived from the vegetable life around him. Indian cures for snakebite were so effective that few deaths from this cause are known among the Seminoles, although portions of arms and legs were often lost.

Like the chiefs and the head men, the medicine men could display their specialties in symbols. A buzzard feather distin guished the doctor who could handle gunshot wounds, while a line from the corner of the mouth to the side of the torso in dicated a general practitioner. The medicine men engaged in bloodletting; they were skillful in the use of splints, but never amputated.

Whatever the level of their skill, they, like the head men, were held accountable. If a doctor failed to save his patient, he might be in danger from the members of the be reaved clan. But generally the lot of the medicine men as ther apists was made easy because the Seminoles, at least according to William Bartram, were more free of ailments than whites. Stick ball, the most significant of their games, was similar to modern lacrosse; it was violent and frequently bloody.

When played by men only, it was regarded as a means of releasing tension between villages of the Confederacy.

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Thus it was a, substitute for war. A version in which women and girls joined during the Green Corn dance had ritualistic sig nificance. It played a minor role in courtship and marriage. It is true they lived in towns, but their sustenance came from the fields be yond, from pastures, and from the forests. Even though their agricultural tools were primitive, they were able to produce a wide variety of foods.

In time they switched completely to iron axes and hoes bought from white traders. They owned horses that were descended from the original Spanish stock, but they developed no tools for farming which could be drawn by horses, and had not the advantage of horse power in their agriculture.

Neither was their only other domestic creature, the dog, of use in farming. The dog was a fixture in the cul ture, for it was descended from strains which had followed the forebears of the Indian out of Asia thousands of years earlier. Their environment afforded them a wide variety of game, but deer were so numerous as to become the principal, even the commercial, source of meat and hides. For deer hunting the Indians had a far more efficient tool than any they used in agriculture. Using the white man's musket, they gradually re duced the deer herds. This destruction made it necessary for them to turn to a substitute after , and they shifted more and more to cattle raising.

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To do so they had only to draw upon the herds of cattle which had been abandoned by Spanish rancheros and were running wild. In time they brought vast numbers of cattle under their control. It is important to note that these were not communally owned; individuals built up their own herds.

In fact, the accumulation of cattle was an alternative to war honors in earning distinction within the culture. What with game, fish, berries, fruits, coontie, cabbage palms, hickory nuts, acorns, and honey from the forest, com bined with corn, beans, pumpkins, and beef from their own fields and pastures, the Seminoles enjoyed a richer diet than did most North American Indians. Nor were clothing and shelter difficult to acquire. Their clothes were usually made from cloth bought from white traders, supplemented by skins from the hunt.

Their shelter could be easily drawn from the forest, especially after metal axes became available. Their economy was a mixture of private and communal ownership. Cattle were owned by individuals, so were slaves; but no individual could possess land, for it belonged to the group. Men, women, and children worked the earth in common, yet the fruits of the land and labor were not as a rule communally held. Clans or families took them for private use, but left a portion to be put into a common store. Bowlegs, Payne's successor, sold as many as 1, head of cattle a year from his own herds.

Yet the habit of personal accumulation was probably a consequence of contact with the white men. Traditionally, wealth could not be transmitted to heirs. That which the deceased would need in the next world was put into the grave with him; the surplus was destroyed. He himself had just looked upon the ruins of plantation houses and or chards, as fine as those of white men, lately the property of a chief called Oponney, which had been destroyed in conformity with the old custom.

By this time the practice was an anach ronism. The break with the past probably began in the late eighteenth century, partly as a result of the influence of Ben jamin Hawkins, United States agent to the Creeks.

He had sought to break down the communal ways of the red natives, and had been instrumental in opening up a sharp cleavage among the Creeks. Some of them held to the old communal ways, others adopted the capitalistic outlook of the white people. The Creek War had been to some extent a by-product of this cleavage.