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Title: Pride and Prejudice (Wisehouse Classics - With Illustrations by H.M. Brock) () Title: Pride and Prejudice (Illustrated) / Lady Chatterley's Lover.
Table of contents
Now, Edward Balls tells us 'A tide that's not for turning', June 9 that the active labour market policies Richard Layard was advocating in his Personal View June 8 , don't work either, except as political tokenism designed to show the problem is being taken seriously. So what's left? Yes, indeed, push the welfare minimum down to America levels and you will force more people into jobs - at the poverty-level wages which now characterise so much work in America. Is that really what we want? Surely we need to recognise that the unemployment problem is a result of the new 'labour market scissors'.
On one hand are the decent instincts which have made a welfare floor of 40 per cent of average income pretty well universal in European societies. On the other are those changes in society and technology which have changed the job structure; more and more jobs are beyond the learning capacity of people who did not do very well in school, and fewer and fewer jobs are of the sort almost anybody can learn to do.
The exception are serving and caring jobs that are only slowly becoming acceptable for able-bodied males. And both of those factors are progressive factors. Don't we need to think again about the nature of 'work' and how far doing it ought to be a precondition for citizen dignity? The notion of a basic citizen income which effectively cuts that link and makes extra-money-earning work as much a voluntary activity for the lucky as amateur athletics, has been around for a long time. Shouldn't the prospect that the unemployment problem will force us into some such solution by start concentrating our minds on how to get from here to there?
At present the only people thinking about this are the members of the Citizens Income Study Centre and we are considered slightly dotty by our academic colleagues. Isn't it time to take, if not us, at least the problem more seriously, and for those who have a different perspective on the year to come clean and tell us what it is? Sir, Samuel Brittan writes 'Clan hatreds divide Left from Right', June 7 that 'the left-right dichotomy is a hopeless method of finding one's way around' monetary and fiscal policy. But in his Left and Right: the Bogus Dilemma and Capitalism and the Permissive Society he more or less solves the problem without realising it.
As he shows, there is a fairly clear tendency for the left to be for state regulation of 'the economy' and against state regulation of personal liberty while the right are more likely to be the opposite. Where the economic aspects are currently state-ridden the right are thus consistent in seeking at least to second guess the market. Of course, this is not a perfect description of left-right usage, and it does conflict with some self-descriptions.
But it clarifies debate enormously to make this fairly realistic distinction stipulative. We are then also able to introduce a libertarian-authoritarian north-south axis. This accommodates both Samuel Brittan as a north-winger and me extreme north-winger. I leave the reader to say which politicians are really south-wingers. The New Right is no longer triumphant.
Its precepts are being challenged by conservatives. Its doctrines are receding into the history of political thought. Soon it will be regarded as the Old Wrong. The question of the turn of the century is, what is to come next? One answer not mine could be a mild, unambitious conservatism. So runs the dream of the Menshevik, or non-Thatcherite, wing of Britain's Conservative party, which hankers, whether it knows it or not, for a return to a period of quiet, traditional conservative government, unruffled by the assertive and divisive radicalism of the New Bolsheviks of the s.
The present chancellor and putative next prime minister, Mr Kenneth Clarke, implied as much last week when he described himself as standing at the 'hard centre' of the Tory world; the actual prime minister, Mr John Major, would not be harmed by a similar appellation. Mr Major may well find time in which to read bits of it; Mr Clarke has first to digest the Maastricht treaty and one or two other documents pertaining to his new job. Mr Gray is described by his publisher as 'formerly a principal theorist of the New Right,' which gives added piquancy to his extended critique of the work of the 'libertarian and classical liberal ideologues' whose nostrums continue to haunt the Tory politicians of the s.
He defines the New Right as properly anti-Marxist, understandably critical of the failures of big government, questionably monetarist - and blind to the imperfectibility of market institutions, which were 'understood as a sort of perpetual motion machine for economic growth'.
Editorial Reviews
Mr Gray, I am delighted to report, is extremely unsound on growth. Our author has an explanation for this headlong rush into doctrinal disappointment. The ideologues behind Thatcherism and Reaganism, like the Marxists they vanquished, mistakenly believed in the perfectibility of human endeavour through the application of universal principles.
One side-effect was to introduce a sectarian spirit into conservative discourse.
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That, as we know, is still present. So is the worship of the market as an institution without flaw, not to mention the conception of all human conduct 'in terms of a calculus of exchange'. This attitude denies the dependency of civil society on the resources of its culture; it runs contrary to the common-sense observation that human beings exist as part of families, or communities.
You could say, after reading Mr Gray, that the New Right was mistaken in its assumption that there is no such thing as society. It is instead an almost desperately humble task of endless improvisation, in which. I have quoted extensively from this thought-provoking introduction because the first three chapters of the book have appeared before, as self-critical pamphlets published by New Right think-tanks.
As noted at the time, Mr Gray's view, as asserted in one of those pamphlets, is that 'a humane social market economy is the only sort of free economy likely to survive. If there is such a thing as Majorism, these recycled chapters contain it. Traditional one-nation Tories, and continental Christian Democrats, will grasp the point, even as they trim spending on the welfare state. The prime minister should, however, run a mile from the brand-new fourth and final chapter. It takes the argument too close to the truth of the present human condition.
Entitled 'an agenda for Green conservatism', it soars beyond the immediate needs of Mr Major and Mr Clarke. The problem is not Mr Gray's adoption of a green mantle; Lady Thatcher herself did that. Anyhow, he neatly disposes of the excesses of green theories. His arguments, that private property and market mechanisms are essential tools for protecting most of the environment, should appeal to Tories, even while greenery is relatively unfashionable. He does see regulation as necessary to deal with threats to the global commons, like the upper atmosphere, and he is Malthusian about the population explosion.
But some Conservatives might swallow this medicine too, even if they have to swallow hard. They will, however, gag on this: 'Though the eradication of involuntary poverty remains a noble cause, the project of promoting maximal economic growth is, perhaps, the most vulgar ideal ever put before suffering humankind. The myth of open-ended progress is not an ennobling myth, and it should form no part of conservative philosophy.
I love it. Here is a Tory philosopher telling us what we know to be true - that economic expansion allied to exponential population growth cannot continue forever, and that we had better start thinking about the ethical consequences of that stark arithmetic. I picked up Mr Gray's book after returning from a seminar on the moral foundations of a democratic society, organised by the Social Market Foundation, a newish think-tank.
The seminar affirmed the current absence of moral underpinnings for western thought. Something has to replace Marx-based philosophies, and perhaps reinvent Christianity. Mr Gray's fourth chapter suggests where to start. Sir, What a shame] Why has the UK government wasted a golden opportunity to lead Europe forward to a better future? Why do we continue to portray our exit from the exchange rate mechanism as a 'humiliation'?
Even the ex-chancellor can only whinge and criticise instead of standing up, as he should have done last September, and proclaiming that the British move was the only rational economic policy to follow when Europe was marching from the hoped-for policies of disinflation over the cliff edge into depression. Britain's exit should have been portrayed as a move demonstrating strength and vision which the rest of Europe Germany excepted needed to follow. There is nothing wrong with allowing currency devaluation if it is the only means by which interest rates can fall to a level more compatible with economic stability.
The UK has not abandoned stability policy by easing on the monetary side when a tightening of fiscal policy and a global disinflationary environment have so diluted the inflationary risks.
Pride and Prejudice
On the contrary, the UK is pursuing the only obvious course for most European economies to follow at this juncture. The only problem has been the manner in which policies were implemented; the moves themselves are so sensible. What a shame we are not able to be proud of them. At least we can take comfort that the UK will fare better by having pursued the right policies in the wrong way rather than the wrong policies altogether.
Poor Europe]. In their heart of hearts, the leaders of the Group of Seven industrial countries must be wishing that next month's Tokyo economic summit was not taking place. The US, Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Italy and Canada - as well as Russia and the European Commission, which have supporting roles at the meeting - will be sending politicians of much-diminished stature to Tokyo's Akasaka palace between July 7 and 9.
The euphoria that accompanied the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of communism - which infused the three previous G7 summits in Houston, London and Munich - has long gone. Instead of providing a rich harvest of support, the triumph of democracy and the market economy after more than 40 years of cold war has left the seven government heads deeply unpopular.
Pride and Prejudice (Jane Austen's Novels) by Jane Austen
The reasons are not difficult to discern. The industrialised economies are either in recession or, at best, fitful recoveries that will do little to foster the 'feel-good factor' among disgruntled voters. Unemployment, according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, is heading upwards towards 36m in its 24 industrialised member states and is likely to keep rising in most countries over the next 18 months.
The geo-political outlook, is, if anything, worse. The brutal civil war in Bosnia has all but buried hopes of a 'new world order' to follow the collapse of Soviet power. The latest crisis in Somalia casts serious doubts on the ability of the United Nations to grow into the role of a supranational referee bringing order to regional conflict. Problems at home have made G7 governments and electorates increasingly inward-looking.
In today's parochial times, G7 leaders could lose as much as gain from being seen with their counterparts at yet another international meeting. Governments like to think that G7 summits can increase consumer and business confidence. But it is difficult to believe that three days of strutting, eating and talking in Japan's mini-Versailles will gull the west's increasingly cynical television viewers into believing that happy days are here again. However, it is possible to take a more optimistic view of the summit - both for the world and for the host nation, Japan.
The hope, propagated by the US and encouraged by this month's OECD annual ministerial meeting in Paris, is that Tokyo will mark a vital step towards final agreement on the much-delayed Uruguay Round of trade liberalisation talks. Trade ministers from the US, Japan, Canada and the European Community are negotiating an extensive tariff-cutting agreement for industrial products and services to form part of a final Uruguay Round settlement.
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