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The Oxford India Lecture: An Undocumented Wonder - the Making of the Great Indian Election

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State governments viewed this as a violation of federal principles preventing state- 18 According to Tsebelis , veto-players are individual or collective actors who possess the power to prevent a decision-outcome. This may not necessarily be true. For instance, the executive mustered the coalition strength to extend affirmative action programs to Other Backward Castes in and implemented a national rural employment guarantee program across India in Again, the EC did not back down and a compromise was reached.

The EC was granted the power to remove government officials for the duration of an election, but state governments alone could act against them. State-Based Demands for a Referee Institution State-based parties were a majority of those appearing during party-system fragmentation. These smaller parties relied on the EC to ensure free and fair state-level elections.

An Undocumented Wonder: The Making of the Great Indian Election | IFES

As challengers, they did not trust the state machinery, bureaucrats, or the police to discharge their responsibilities in a nonpartisan manner, perhaps remaining loyal to incumbents. Thus, state-based challengers turned towards the EC, a federal body, to ensure fair state-level competition.

When the EC began taking a broader view of the Model Code, many parties acquiesced. Aware of partisan loyalties among public officials, an assertive EC was willing to prevent them from influencing the electoral process. Smaller parties supported EC efforts to clean up electoral rolls, as inflated rolls allowed major parties to fraudulently exaggerate vote-share.

Will monitor Anna campaign: Election Commission

Parties also demanded the use of federal rather than local police during elections, which the EC was willing to underwrite. Parties that relied on support from poor and marginalized groups supported the ECs vulnerability mapping20 project. The EC cracked down on the flow of money and alcohol, despite resistance. It requires substantial manpower resources. But in such a competitive environment rivals parties and candidates monitor each other. A large number of complaints and Model Code violation reports come from political parties. We take these complaints very seriously and investigate them immediately.

But, it does serve the purpose of establishing a degree of fairness and a perception of fairness. The Entrepreneurial Chief Election Commissioner 20 Vulnerability mapping involves the EC identifying groups—like the poor, Dalits and Scheduled Tribes—that are particularly susceptible to voter intimidation. At relevant polling stations the EC then contacts these individuals to assure them of EC support and protection on the day of the election. Vulnerable voters are encouraged to report misconduct and immediate action is taken on complaints. The first to do so was T.

Seshan, introducing several changes to the election process. He also introduced election observers for state assembly elections, pioneered voter ID cards, and refused to take executive instructions. His aggression and repeated executive clashes made him controversial. Sometimes he exceeded his authority and the Supreme Court stepped in to overrule his decisions. Despite occasional losses, Seshan differentiated himself from predecessors by demonstrating the constitutional powers that an entrepreneurial CEC could exercise.

The CECs who followed were not as controversial, but they were also not reluctant to assert EC authority, even when this meant taking on the executive. More significantly, informal institution arose in which each CEC would try to leave a mark on the EC by improving the electoral process or introducing new measures. Importantly, opportunities do not automatically convert into outcomes. Seshan was the force that moved the EC from a little-known institution to a highly-regarded one in a moment of opportunity.