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That is probably a good measure of our present ignorance on the subject. If we approach this vital problem with sincerity, sanity, tolerance, and truth, we may then, as we conclude our course, we may see around us the widening chasm of the seas, the monument to that great lost cause will be erected on Capitol Hill.
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Nast became a national force during this testing time of American nationhood. He did as much as any one man to preserve the Union and bring the war to an end. Before his death Lincoln increasingly identified the Union cause with emancipation and, by implication, African American citizenship. Now, with the union saved and the slaves freed, the situation of the Freedmen and the character of Southern reconstruction took center stage—for the nation, and for Nast. The relationship of Reconstruction to the Civil War rested crucially on the fact that the end of the war did not see the South fully accept the meaning of its defeat, as would be the case with Germany and Japan after World War Two.

Instead the white South successfully denied the social and economic implications of the end of slavery. It was assisted in this by the rapidly diminishing will on the part of the North to impose that larger meaning on the defeated section: a relationship not unlike that between Germany and the Allies after World War One. Many factors contributed to the failure of emancipation to lead to equal rights and full citizenship for the Freedmen.


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In the largest sense, the explanation lies in the fact that the main currents of Western thought were moving not in the direction of racial equality, but the reverse: towards a racism, an assumption of black inferiority, that was validated in both popular and high culture. Against these deep currents of thought and attitude, the spur to equality furnished by the war and emancipation quickly faded. Among the first to give up the cause were not Republican politicians, who welcomed African American votes, or middle class defenders of the party faith such as Nast, but the journalistic-intellectual elite.

Godkin, Curtis, and other genteel reformers quickly concluded that the formal end of slavery was all that the Freedmen needed, and that the unreadiness of the ex-slaves to take an active place in the Southern body politic was self-evident. It was as though their fight for the abolition of slavery and the preservation of the Union had drained them of the commitment to take on the new cause of equal citizenship for the Freedmen. Certainly they were more ready to subscribe to the new scientific racism taking hold in higher intellectual circles of Europe and America.

The major issues facing postwar America, this journalistic-intellectual elite came to believe, were the corruption and the power of party bosses and machines, and the threat that immigration, labor, and corporate capitalism posed to American society. Nast came of political age not in the prewar antislavery crusade, but in the crucible of the War.

Emancipation and the compelling vision of a postwar Great Republic, in which all races and ethnic groups would share in an equal American citizenship, had a strong, self-evident appeal for him. Nast remained committed to this larger, deeper meaning of the War longer than did most of his more intellectual contemporaries.

He reacted with passion against white Southern violence against the Freedmen, Indians denied the vote, and Chinese immigrants facing exclusion. Why did Nast adhere to these views? Again, one must look to his middlebrow placement in the American cultural spectrum. But his outlook was defined at least as much by the politics of Reconstruction as by a commitment to equal citizenship and racial equality. Hostility to black civil equality, and the rapid restoration of the South to the control of the ex-Confederate whites, became the cornerstones of the Johnson-Democratic alliance.

«Kubla Khan », a political poem

Nast, and the bulk of the Republican party, responded to this challenge in a manner shaped by their Civil War experience. The politics of Reconstruction became in effect the continuation of the War by other means. Johnson and the Democrats threatened to betray the sacred causes of Union and Freedom; and Nast reacted accordingly.


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    • It came in the wake of his support of the Republican resistance to Andrew Johnson and the struggle for Radical Reconstruction. Mid-nineteenth century liberals—and Nast certainly was one of them—regarded the Catholic church as the fount of anti-modernism and fanaticism. See fig. This attitude was reinforced by the commitment of many Irish-Americans to the Democratic party, hostility to abolition, and Negrophobia.

    In this sense the Confederates, the anti-Reconstruction, pro-Johnson Democrats, and the Tweed Ring and the Catholic church were parts of a collective whole. It stirred in Nast the peak of his distinctive mix of artistic inventiveness and political passion. These drawings spoke to the political and social concerns of the core urban constituency of wartime and postwar Republicanism: Protestant farmers, professional and businessmen, shopkeepers, artisans.

    Editor George W. Curtis was as one with Nast in the fight against Tweed; E. The shared set of beliefs that linked Nast, Locke, Sumner, Curtis, and Godkin with one another, and—for a while—with much of the Republican party, was not destined to last. Just as the Young America writers of the s broke up over the issues of expansion and antislavery, so did the Civil War-Reconstruction Republican coalition come apart as new issues, and new attitudes, took center stage in American public life.

    It was in the election of that the erosion of the wartime-postwar alliance became evident. In that year the Liberal Republican party emerged as an anti-Grant breakaway group, and New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley became the presidential candidate on both the Liberal Republican and Democratic tickets. But by itself that is not enough to explain why Greeley, arguably the most influential voice of early antislavery Republicanism and the fight against the slave oligarchy of the South, would leave the party he had done so much to create and accept the nomination of a Democratic party tainted by pro-Southernism and Negrophobia.

    Nor does it explain why so many other editors, reformers, and Republican leaders in the fight against slavery and secession supported him. One source was the growing frustration of journalists and men of letters with the fact that public life, which before and during the war had been defined in great part by their words and thoughts, was now coming ever more firmly into the hands of party bosses, party machines, and soldiers-turned-politicians. It was, therefore, highly appropriate that Horace Greeley, the greatest newspaper editor of his time, should be the Liberal Republican candidate.

    Their ostensible reasons were quarrels with the Grant administration over foreign policy and patronage. At base, though, their switch, like that of the editors, was a response to the fact that defining and shaping public policy had come into the hands of a new political generation. Only the poet of the poem feels that he can recover the vision, and the Preface, like a Coleridge poem that is quoted in it, The Picture , states that visions are unrecoverable. The poem begins with a fanciful description of Kublai Khan's capital Xanadu , which Coleridge places near the river Alph, which passes through caverns before reaching a dark or dead sea.

    Although the land is one of man-made "pleasure", there is a natural, "sacred" river that runs past it. The lines describing the river have a markedly different rhythm from the rest of the passage: [35]. The land is constructed as a paradisical garden, but like Eden after Man's fall, Xanadu is isolated by walls. The finite properties of the constructed walls of Xanadu are contrasted with the infinite properties of the natural caves through which the river runs. So twice five miles of fertile ground With walls and towers were girdled round: And there were gardens bright with sinuous rills, Where blossomed many an incense-bearing tree; And here were forests ancient as the hills, Enfolding sunny spots of greenery.

    The poem expands on the gothic hints of the first stanza as the narrator explores the dark chasm in the midst of Xanadu's gardens, and describes the surrounding area as both "savage" and "holy". Yarlott interprets this chasm as symbolic of the poet struggling with decadence that ignores nature.

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    But oh! A savage place! From the dark chasm a fountain violently erupts, then forms the meandering river Alph, which runs to the sea described in the first stanza. Fountains are often symbolic of the inception of life, and in this case may represent forceful creativity. And from this chasm, with ceaseless turmoil seething, As if this earth in fast thick pants were breathing, A mighty fountain momently was forced: Amid whose swift half-intermitted burst Huge fragments vaulted like rebounding hail, Or chaffy grain beneath the thresher's flail: And 'mid these dancing rocks at once and ever It flung up momently the sacred river.

    Five miles meandering with a mazy motion Through wood and dale the sacred river ran, Then reached the caverns measureless to man, And sank in tumult to a lifeless ocean: [58]. Kubla Khan hears voices of the dead, and refers to a vague "war" that appears to be unreferenced elsewhere in the poem. Yarlott argues that the war represents the penalty for seeking pleasure, or simply the confrontation of the present by the past: [61].

    And 'mid this tumult Kubla heard from far Ancestral voices prophesying war! Though the exterior of Xanadu is presented in images of darkness, and in context of the dead sea, we are reminded of the "miracle" and "pleasure" of Kubla Khan's creation.

    Vuk Jeremic Speeches

    The vision of the sites, including the dome, the cavern, and the fountain, are similar to an apocalyptic vision. Together, the natural and man-made structures form a miracle of nature as they represent the mixing of opposites together, the essence of creativity: [62]. The shadow of the dome of pleasure Floated midway on the waves; Where was heard the mingled measure From the fountain and the caves. It was a miracle of rare device, A sunny pleasure-dome with caves of ice!

    The narrator turns prophetic, referring to a vision of an unidentified "Abyssinian maid" who sings of "Mount Abora". Harold Bloom suggests that this passage reveals the narrator's desire to rival Khan's ability to create with his own. Could I revive within me Her symphony and song, To such a deep delight 'twould win me, That with music loud and long, I would build that dome in air, That sunny dome! The subsequent passage refers to unnamed witnesses who may also hear this, and thereby share in the narrator's vision of a replicated, ethereal, Xanadu.

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    Harold Bloom suggests that the power of the poetic imagination, stronger than nature or art, fills the narrator and grants him the ability to share this vision with others through his poetry. The narrator would thereby be elevated to an awesome, almost mythical status, as one who has experienced an Edenic paradise available only to those who have similarly mastered these creative powers: [64]. And all who heard should see them there, And all should cry, Beware! His flashing eyes, his floating hair!

    Weave a circle round him thrice, And close your eyes with holy dread, For he on honey-dew hath fed, And drunk the milk of Paradise. One theory says that "Kubla Khan" is about poetry and the two sections discuss two types of poems.