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Finally indulging in the fantasy that has piqued one college co-ed's sexual curiosity for quite some time, Kim writes in her diary about buying her submissive​.
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Comparable divides can be found left of the center of most Western political spectra. Firm principles, easily summarized, separate the liberal from the social democrat from the socialist from the communist. The Minjoo bowed out of the by-election that just took place in Changwon so as to facilitate a Justice Party victory, a front victory. Criticism of the government from extra-parliamentary left quarters is strident but sporadic.

Tongil News scolds Moon for kowtowing to Washington, who in return congratulates the online newspaper on the 18 th anniversary of its founding. The need to maintain the appearance of divided camps could explain why Lee Seok-ki is yet to be let out of prison — and why, for a while there at least, he seemed so understanding about it.

His sentence was recently added to for financial wrongdoing. The one denies the legitimacy of the ROK founded in The other talks up the ROK-superseding legitimacy of an exile republic said to date back to But such differences are rhetorical, tactical. The point of the front after all is to appeal to all the constituencies it needs. One of them is the US government. There are more tracks and track-internal gradations than I need to deal with here. It is enough if the reader keeps in mind a distinction between a the inner track , by which I mean propaganda intended for North Koreans only, b the outer track , which is propaganda written for domestic consumption in the constraining awareness of outside monitors, and c the export track , or propaganda for outsiders.

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This last, which includes statements made in negotiations, can in turn be divided into the kind aimed at South Koreans and the kind aimed at foreigners. If this custom takes hold it will obscure the important differences of tone and content between the actual outer track Rodong Sinmun , the nightly TV news, etc and the inner track party lectures, political novels, etc. Seoulite journos who make this mistake need a good sprawl on the couch before they can talk in full sentences, but my Helvetians probably sang all the way up.

Anyway, this is what I said at the 10 minute mark as part of my response to a question on Methodik. Meaning that when you take an old homogeneous nation and cut it in two, as we did in the last century, you can take it for granted that that which belongs together, will grow together again. For every biologist, every gardener — every surgeon even — knows what inosculation means, namely, the growing into each other of closely-related and adjacent organisms.

It was in the same long-term frame of mind that I followed the Hanoi summit. One need only take a few steps back from the daily news to see where this is headed. Donald Trump did the right thing in Hanoi, in a rare accession of good sense, but only because Kim Jong Un, in an equally rare lapse of it, tried to get too much at once.

They also mocked Moon Jae-in for having announced, on the very next day, that he will continue pushing for what I call the ethnic exemption from sanctions, namely, permission for some degree of inter-Korean economic cooperation. In fact Moon understands the Americans far better than his opponents do. He knows the softening of our resolve has quite a way to go yet. But the Koreas do not necessarily have to work together economically to come ever closer together.

The key part:. Hostility between the left and the right and ideological stigmas were tools used by Japanese imperialists to drive a wedge between us. Even after liberation, they served as tools to impede efforts to remove the vestiges of pro-Japanese collaborators. They were also used to brand the public as enemies when it came to massacres of civilians, spurious accusations of spying for North Korea and the student pro-democracy movement…..

These are typical vestiges left by pro-Japanese collaborators, which we should eliminate as soon as possible.

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The 38th parallel drawn through our minds will disappear all together once the ideological hostility that caused internal rifts are removed. We always knew anyway that there was no shortage of former collaborators in the North. The personality cult has long praised the Great Leader for giving them a second chance. The nationalists had a better record of standing firm.

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More to the point, we now know that much of the bloody unrest in the South in the late s, which involved orchestrated attacks on policemen and their families — attacks of a cruelty and brutality that even Cumings has felt compelled to comment upon — was indeed planned, funded and guided from above the 38th parallel, as Rhee and the US military claimed at the time.

That many leading members of the ostensibly pro-democracy student movement of the s and s understood that lofty keyword in either the Marxist-Leninist or the North Korean sense is clear enough from their own strident testimony. Nor can there be any doubt — to mention what the right is currently most worried about — that Moon and his camp are by their own explicit, public account committed to bringing about North-South confederation in the short term. Now, I have long argued on this blog that the Moon administration is ideologically and emotionally closer to Pyongyang than to Washington.

I have been called McCarthyist for this, as if anyone ever saw less trace of communism on the peninsula than I do. But the March 1 speech proves my point. In it Moon attributes anti-North, anti-left sentiment wholly to the lingering influence of Japanese propaganda.

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He forbears to mention that what really changed a generally pro-socialist South Korean public in to a right-leaning one was a brief taste of North Korean rule. Unlike the trivial differences inside the pan-Korean, trans-DMZ community of good democrats — so trivial that the 38th parallel has no real intellectual or ideological importance — the scare-mongering speech of the South Korean rightists cannot be lived with. It must be eliminated, purged.

Funnily enough, his line of logic could be used a fortiori to stigmatize criticism of the USA. Plenty will be done in the months ahead, to harmonizing North-South effects that the Western commentariat will cheer, and polarizing ROK-internal effects it will continue dozing through.

Joint inter-Korean economic projects are a key mechanism for the parties to build trust, along with cultural exchanges and regular meetings of separated families. As the two Koreas form an economic relationship, the repeated interactions arising from such a relationship would gradually lead to a measure of trust between the two countries. It merely needs to grant sanctions exemptions to those projects, allowing the sanctions to take effect once again if North Korea does not follow through with its promised denuclearization steps. Nathan Park in Foreign Policy , 4 April Imagining what will have to happen before the Western commentariat begins taking Korean nationalism seriously is an instructive exercise.

Ideology, legitimacy, authority: Such topics used to interest academics no end.

The mania for quantifying the social sciences and the attendant decline in foreign-language acquisition have changed things. I remember Sovietologists lamenting this trend when I was at school in the s. What cannot be researched with the proper statistical-numerical methodology is thought beneath serious analysis. On the rare occasions when a non-quantifier takes the microphone at a conference, the Gradgrinds lean back with an indulgent smile: Time for some light relief. In North Korean studies the fallacy of a failed communist state renders this tendency more extreme.

Has the Moon administration ever expressed opposition to confederation? My views were thus called outdated last January by one of two people who asserted months later that Moon Jae-in was more security-conservative than Kim Dae-Jung. In any case, nothing is more old-fashioned than all this complacency about the alliance. Anger at my imputation of a league drive to the Blue House implies a moralizing rejection of league itself.

Many Americans seem to consider the North too awful, too irredeemably a giant gulag, for the South ever to think of joining hands with it. Clearly they have an even lower opinion of the North than I do. By liberal-democratic standards too there are worse places. If I had to send my hypothetical teenage daughter to live somewhere else for a year as an average citizen , and had to rank all the countries in the world according to my preference, North Korea would not be in the bottom thirty.

More to the point: Researchers of the peninsula will get nowhere unless they take a break from their quantifying now and then, and enter into an imaginative sympathy with Korean nationalism, the way any sensible literary scholar assumes a Christian frame of mind when reading Bunyan or Blake. Having done that one begins to understand why the North appeals strongly to an influential minority in the South.


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Some observers regard the word nationalism now a pejorative in the West as inappropriate for what they see as a natural, healthy yearning to make the peninsula whole again. But a distinction must be made between:. What holds South Korean nationalists together is b and not a. This can be seen by their inordinate horror of the financial and social disruptions of unification, which in the past has actuated deliberate exaggeration of the likely costs, and which still induces many Moon-supporters to propose maintaining a one-nation, two-state system indefinitely.

In North Korea, government-directed campaigns tend to manifest themselves first in inner-track propaganda before moving with time into news outlets prominent enough for foreigners to be monitoring. But for over 20 years now the fun of moving up in the world while striking rebellious poses has been the great perk of being on the nationalist left.

The attitude to the alliance implicit in this matter-of-fact talk bears reflecting upon. A mentor to Moon Jae-in and an icon on the nationalist left, Paek was among the movers and shakers who joined the president on his trip to Pyongyang. In the s the South, eager to palliate Kim Il Sung, began proposing a league , a word which in Korean sounds much looser. The North then tried to reassure South Koreans it wanted a low-level confederation. And now the Moon camp speaks of a low-level league , thus implying something more reassuring still.

League-confederation hype increased in September as the opening of the Kaesong Liaison Office drew closer. On September 14 the Kaesong office opened. The opening of the Kaesong Liaison Office is historically significant in that it opens the way to a North-South league, the first stage of unification. The many articles published this month attest to a good deal of confusion about what North-South league entails, and what must precede or follow it. Is it more or less the same thing as confederation, as Moon Jae-in said in ?


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Or is it a stage on the way there? Is it in de facto operation already? In other words, is the Kaesong office the first stage in the systematization of the league as Paek and the Hankyoreh assert , or the starting point on the road to it as the Kyunghyang Sinmun and Hankyoreh 21 put it? And is league the first stage of unification, or just a step in that direction?

How fast is the end goal to be achieved? I can find no serious debate on any of these points. Perhaps this is the great strength of the nationalist left. Those who approve of current developments generally get along fine, regardless of how differently they interpret them. Moon can thus float above the supportive discussion without having to pin himself down to any plan in particular. Focusing on denuclearization as always, the Western commentariat generally downplayed the importance of the third Pyongyang summit.

But all these things had almost certainly been agreed to in advance. The main point of holding the summit and the attendant photo ops was to habituate the South Korean public to the notion of the North as a normal, legitimate state, one fit to be trusted and leagued up with. The right wing here was therefore wrong to gloat over the lack of public interest in the event.

Normalcy is supposed to be boring.