Mind, Society, and Human Action: Time and Knowledge in a Theory of Social-Economy

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Klein makes the claim that it is this latter view that is exclusively the one used by the classical economists, Smith included, and all others until rather recently. Organizations, like firms, achieve crucial aspects of their coherence through conscious direction and allocation, whereas orders, likes social institutions language, common law, markets achieve that coherence spontaneously, which means by individuals taking actions in their own self-interest, not consciously promoting the cause of coordination see Horwitz, The idea of concatenate coordination appears to me to imply a kind of top down judgment of outcomes—by some spectator or analyst.

For example, as Richard Wagner has argued Wagner , a military parade is coordinated in a way that a market is not. The sergeant-major may see the parade as fully coordinated. But the economist, thinking about the disappointed plans of the draftee-soldiers may see it as hopelessly discoordinated. All social situations are the resolved outcomes of human actions. Whether they are seen to be coordinated or not depends on the posited criteria of coordination. The notion of coordination is a teleological one. A dictator or an outside observer may give more or less weight to this.

What more is there that one can say, and how does it matter? His extended discussion includes the usual suspects—information, dispersion, interpretation and cognition; but not much about expectations though implied by interpretation. Where have we heard that before? This is in order to tap into the well-known stories of asymmetric information, pioneered by George Akerlof and others, who puzzled over the question of how markets could function when different people possess different relevant information.

As Klein points out, there is a crucial difference between information and knowledge. Information has to be interpreted. Interpretation is subjective, idiosyncratic. Two people with the same information may have very different interpretations of its meaning—they may learn different things from the same information. Asymmetries or differences in knowledge are what drive entrepreneurship and the market process.

When knowledge is flattened to information, and everyone has or can have the same information, we have a world of common knowledge, in which there can be no entrepreneur. But they are not new. The distinction between information and knowledge, and the dangerous tendency to flatten the latter into the former, is something that has been known for a long time and is the subject of much discussion in certain circles like management studies, entrepreneurship, studies in cognition, not to mention, most notably, in Austrian Economics for the last half century.

How Klein can talk about this subject without a single reference to the work of Ludwig Lachmann on the matter of disparate expectations, is something that will greatly perplex his readers versed in the Austrian literature—something which the numerous references to Hayek and Polanyi do little to remedy. The phenomenon of different expectations concerning the same future events implies that at most one of them can turn out to be correct, error is inevitable. The basis for error, and its implications for the ability to discern equilibrating forces in the market process, is a matter concerning which a protracted debate between Lachmann and Israel Kirzner later ensued.

It runs throughout the book and reflects the change in attitude that Klein went through about it. Kirzner is clearly a significant influence on his thinking and its development. Sociologist Robert Nisbet said that "No single idea has been more important than Sorokin said, "The ancient Chinese, Babylonian, Hindu, Greek, Roman, and most of the medieval thinkers supporting theories of rhythmical, cyclical or trendless movements of social processes were much nearer to reality than the present proponents of the linear view".

Therefore, Chinese proponents of modernization have looked to western models. According to Thompson, the late Qing dynasty reformer, Kang Youwei, believed he had found a model for reform and "modernisation" in the Ancient Chinese Classics. Philosopher Karl Popper said that progress was not fully adequate as a scientific explanation of social phenomena.

Iggers says that proponents of progress underestimated the extent of man's destructiveness and irrationality, while critics misunderstand the role of rationality and morality in human behavior. In , psychoanalyst Charles Baudouin claimed modernity has retained the "corollary" of the progress myth, the idea that the present is superior to the past, while at the same time insisting that it is free of the myth:. The last two centuries were familiar with the myth of progress. Our own century has adopted the myth of modernity.

The one myth has replaced the other. Men ceased to believe in progress; but only to pin their faith to more tangible realities, whose sole original significance had been that they were the instruments of progress. This exaltation of the present The present is superior to the past, by definition, only in a mythology of progress. Thus one retains the corollary while rejecting the principle. There is only one way of retaining a position of whose instability one is conscious. One must simply refrain from thinking. A cyclical theory of history was adopted by Oswald Spengler — , a German historian who wrote The Decline of the West in World War I , World War II , and the rise of totalitarianism demonstrated that progress was not automatic and that technological improvement did not necessarily guarantee democracy and moral advancement.

British historian Arnold J.

Progress - Wikipedia

Toynbee — felt that Christianity would help modern civilization overcome its challenges. The Jeffersonians said that history is not exhausted but that man may begin again in a new world. Besides rejecting the lessons of the past, they Americanized the idea of progress by democratizing and vulgarizing it to include the welfare of the common man as a form of republicanism. As Romantics deeply concerned with the past, collecting source materials and founding historical societies, the Founding Fathers were animated by clear principles. They saw man in control of his destiny, saw virtue as a distinguishing characteristic of a republic, and were concerned with happiness, progress, and prosperity.

Thomas Paine, combining the spirit of rationalism and romanticism, pictured a time when America's innocence would sound like a romance, and concluded that the fall of America could mark the end of 'the noblest work of human wisdom. Bury wrote in To the minds of most people the desirable outcome of human development would be a condition of society in which all the inhabitants of the planet would enjoy a perfectly happy existence It cannot be proved that the unknown destination towards which man is advancing is desirable. The movement may be Progress, or it may be in an undesirable direction and therefore not Progress The Progress of humanity belongs to the same order of ideas as Providence or personal immortality.

It is true or it is false, and like them it cannot be proved either true or false. Belief in it is an act of faith. In the postmodernist thought steadily gaining ground from the s, the grandiose claims of the modernizers are steadily eroded, and the very concept of social progress is again questioned and scrutinized.

In the new vision, radical modernizers like Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong appear as totalitarian despots, whose vision of social progress is held to be totally deformed. Postmodernists question the validity of 19th century and 20th century notions of progress—both on the capitalist and the Marxist side of the spectrum. They argue that both capitalism and Marxism over-emphasize technological achievements and material prosperity while ignoring the value of inner happiness and peace of mind.

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Postmodernism posits that both dystopia and utopia are one and the same, overarching grand narratives with impossible conclusions. Some 20th-century authors refer to the "Myth of Progress" to refer to the idea that the human condition will inevitably improve. In , English physician Montague David Eder wrote: Philosophers, men of science and politicians have accepted the idea of the inevitability of progress.

The strongest critics of the idea of progress complain that it remains a dominant idea in the 21st century, and shows no sign of diminished influence. As one fierce critic, British historian John Gray b. Faith in the liberating power of knowledge is encrypted into modern life. Drawing on some of Europe's most ancient traditions, and daily reinforced by the quickening advance of science, it cannot be given up by an act of will.

The interaction of quickening scientific advance with unchanging human needs is a fate that we may perhaps temper, but cannot overcome Those who hold to the possibility of progress need not fear. The illusion that through science humans can remake the world is an integral part of the modern condition. Renewing the eschatological hopes of the past, progress is an illusion with a future.

Recently the idea of progress has been generalized to psychology, being related with the concept of a goal, that is, progress is understood as "what counts as a means of advancing towards the end result of a given defined goal. Bury said that thought in ancient Greece was dominated by the theory of world-cycles or the doctrine of eternal return, and was steeped in a belief parallel to the Judaic " fall of man ," but rather from a preceding " Golden Age " of innocence and simplicity.

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Time was generally regarded as the enemy of humanity which depreciates the value of the world. He credits the Epicureans with having had a potential for leading to the foundation of a theory of progress through their materialistic acceptance of the atomism of Democritus as the explanation for a world without an intervening deity.


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Robert Nisbet and Gertrude Himmelfarb have attributed a notion of progress to other Greeks. Xenophanes said "The gods did not reveal to men all things in the beginning, but men through their own search find in the course of time that which is better. Plato's The Statesman also outlines a historical account of the progress of mankind. During the Medieval period, science was to a large extent based on Scholastic a method of thinking and learning from the Middle Ages interpretations of Aristotle's work.

The Renaissance of the 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries changed the mindset in Europe towards an empirical view, based on a pantheistic interpretation of Plato. This induced a revolution in curiosity about nature in general and scientific advance, which opened the gates for technical and economic advance. Furthermore, the individual potential was seen as a never-ending quest for being God-like, paving the way for a view of Man based on unlimited perfection and progress.


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In the Enlightenment , French historian and philosopher Voltaire — was a major proponent. His subsequent notion of the historical idea of progress saw science and reason as the driving forces behind societal advancement. Immanuel Kant — argued that progress is neither automatic nor continuous and does not measure knowledge or wealth, but is a painful and largely inadvertent passage from barbarism through civilization toward enlightened culture and the abolition of war. Kant called for education, with the education of humankind seen as a slow process whereby world history propels mankind toward peace through war, international commerce, and enlightened self-interest.

Scottish theorist Adam Ferguson — defined human progress as the working out of a divine plan, though he rejected predestination. The difficulties and dangers of life provided the necessary stimuli for human development, while the uniquely human ability to evaluate led to ambition and the conscious striving for excellence. But he never adequately analyzed the competitive and aggressive consequences stemming from his emphasis on ambition even though he envisioned man's lot as a perpetual striving with no earthly culmination.

Man found his happiness only in effort. Some scholars consider the idea of progress that was affirmed with the Enlightenment, as a secularization of ideas from early Christianity , and a reworking of ideas from ancient Greece. In the 19th century, Romantic critics charged that progress did not automatically better the human condition, and in some ways could make it worse. He said, "Had population and food increased in the same ratio, it is probable that man might never have emerged from the savage state".

Mind, Society, and Human Action Time and Knowledge in a Theory of Social Economy Routledge Foundatio

He argued that man's capacity for improvement has been demonstrated by the growth of his intellect, a form of progress which offsets the distresses engendered by the law of population. German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche — criticized the idea of progress as the 'weakling's doctrines of optimism,' and advocated undermining concepts such as faith in progress, to allow the strong individual to stand above the plebeian masses. An important part of his thinking consists of the attempt to use the classical model of 'eternal recurrence of the same' to dislodge the idea of progress.

Iggers argues there was general agreement in the late 19th century that the steady accumulation of knowledge and the progressive replacement of conjectural, that is, theological or metaphysical, notions by scientific ones was what created progress. Most scholars concluded this growth of scientific knowledge and methods led to the growth of industry and the transformation of warlike societies into an industrial and pacific one.

They agreed as well that there had been a systematic decline of coercion in government, and an increasing role of liberty and of rule by consent. There was more emphasis on impersonal social and historical forces; progress was increasingly seen as the result of an inner logic of society. Marx developed a theory of historical materialism. He describes the midth century condition in The Communist Manifesto as follows:. The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.

Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. You can help correct errors and omissions. When requesting a correction, please mention this item's handle: See general information about how to correct material in RePEc.

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