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From that initiative came a public poll supporting the long-standing Australian patriotic song, " Advance Australia Fair ". Blainey was deputy chairman in and of the Whitlam government's Inquiry into Museums and National Collections, whose report ultimately led to the completion in Canberra, in , of the National Museum of Australia with its emphasis on indigenous history.

In , he became an inaugural commissioner on the Australian Heritage Commission, set up by the Fraser government to decide on conservation and environmental matters. On the first council of the National Museum set up by the Hawke Government in he was a short-term member. He was chairman of the Australia Council for four years and Chairman of the Australia-China Council from its inception in until June From to , he was the Foundation Chancellor of the University of Ballarat. Under the Howard government , he served as a member of the council of the Australian War Memorial in Canberra from to , an appointment initially criticised in parliament by Laurie Brereton of the Labor opposition but approved in other circles.

There was no opposition when his first three-year term was renewed. At the Constitutional Convention , held in Canberra for 10 days in February to debate and vote on whether Australia should become a republic and if so what kind of a republic , he was a non-elected delegate. He argued that Australia was already a "de facto republic" and that any further change should be made only if the case was very powerful. With his ally, George Mye from the Torres Strait Islands , he was the leading critic of the adopted proposal that any citizen whose name was on the general electoral roll, even a migrant of only two years' standing, should automatically be eligible to be president of the proposed republic of Australia.

He alleged that the pair had unduly shaped the official information posted to all electors. In their defence, it was contended that their influence was fair, for they operated in an official committee chaired by the neutral Sir Ninian Stephen , lawyer and former governor general. Blainey served on the National Council for the Centenary of Federation from to chairman from May , succeeding Archbishop Peter Hollingworth , and chairman of the Council of the Centenary Medal from — Later appointments included membership of the History Summit in Canberra in and the federal committee set up in to recommend a national curriculum for teaching Australian history.

He sat, from to , on the Council of the Royal Humane Society of Australasia which recommended awards for acts of civilian bravery. In the s, s and s, he was a weekly or fortnightly columnist for The Australian , the Melbourne Herald , or the Melbourne Age ; he also wrote often for the Sydney Bulletin , the Australian Business Monthly and other national journals. Booklets listing these articles and other works have been published by the library of Monash University.

The latest booklet was last updated in about Graham Kennedy , the television star, narrated the continuity script. Blainey is well known for speeches, often without notes, on historical and contemporary topics. In most anthologies of notable Australian speeches, present and past, one of his addresses is reprinted. He currently serves on the boards of philanthropic bodies, including the Ian Potter Foundation since and the Deafness Foundation Trust since , and is patron of others. Blainey has, at times, been a controversial figure too.

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In the s, he queried the level of Asian immigration to Australia and the policy of multiculturalism in speeches, articles and a book All for Australia. He was said by leftist critics to be closely aligned [ citation needed ] with the former Liberal - National Coalition government of John Howard in Australia, with Howard shadowing Blainey's conservative views on some issues, especially the view that Australian history has been hijacked by social liberals. As a result of these stances, Blainey is sometimes associated with right-wing politics.

He regretted that the Hawke Labor Government in "a time of large unemployment" was bringing many new migrants to the areas of high unemployment, thus fostering tension. He blamed the government, not the migrants themselves. Criticising what he viewed as disproportionately high levels of Asian immigration, then running at 40 per cent of the annual intake, he added: "Rarely in the history of the modern world has a nation given such preference to a tiny ethnic minority of its population as the Australian Government has done in the past few years, making that minority the favoured majority in its immigration policy".

Three days later, in response to the prediction of the "increasing Asianisation" of Australia made by Labor's Immigration Minister Stewart West , Blainey argued: "I do not accept the view, widely held in the Federal Cabinet, that some kind of slow Asian takeover of Australia is inevitable. I do not believe that we are powerless. I do believe that we can with good will and good sense control our destiny As a people, we seem to move from extreme to extreme.

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In the past 30 years the government of Australia has moved from the extreme of wanting a white Australia to the extreme of saying that we will have an Asian Australia and that the quicker we move towards it the better". Blainey's speech, along with subsequent articles and a book on the subject, ignited nationwide controversy, especially in the Australian federal parliament which had not debated the principles of the immigration policy for many years.

Most critics argued that Blainey's views were moderate and not racist. According to Blainey, the Australian government's immigration policy was increasingly being influenced by multicultural ideology to the detriment of the national interest and the majority of Australians. He argued: "We are surrendering much of our own independence to a phantom opinion that floats vaguely in the air and rarely exists on this earth.

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We should think very carefully about the perils of converting Australia into a giant multicultural laboratory for the assumed benefit of the peoples of the world". Blainey also warned that the "crimson thread of kinship" invoked by Sir Henry Parkes was being undermined, stating: "The cult of the immigrant, the emphasis on separateness for ethnic groups, the wooing of Asia and the shunning of Britain are part of this thread-cutting. His views were to receive the support of a majority of Australian voters, both Labor and non-Labor voters, as a national Gallup poll confirmed in August.

In contrast, while Blainey was briefly in Europe in May, a professor and 23 other history teachers from the University of Melbourne distributed a public letter distancing themselves from what they called his "racialist" views. After a crowd of left-wing students and marchers, mostly from outside the University of Melbourne, broke into the heavily guarded building where Blainey was conducting a tutorial in historical research, he was advised by the university on security grounds that it must cancel all his future addresses within the University for the rest of Blainey continued to express his views periodically on television, radio and his own newspaper columns but not in his own university.

He retained his main position as Dean of the Faculty of Arts. Blainey and his family were subject to threats of violence, prompting him at the police's request to remove his name and address from the public telephone book and organise security for his home. According to fellow historian Keith Windschuttle : "The immediate consequence of all this was that Blainey, easily Australia's best and most prolific living historian, was effectively silenced from speaking at his own university This violation of academic freedom, clearly the worst in Australian history, provoked no protest at all from the university's academic staff association, nor from the university council, let alone his own departmental colleagues.

On the so-called "Blainey affair", Australian prime minister John Howard would remark: "Nowhere, I suggest, have the fangs of the left so visibly been on display as they were in a campaign based on character assassination and intellectual dishonesty through their efforts to trash the name and reputation of that great Australian historian Geoffrey Blainey.

In December , Blainey resigned from the University of Melbourne and resumed his former career as a freelance historian. Subsequently, in December , the University of Melbourne granted a Doctor of Laws to Blainey [37] and declared that he was, in Australia, probably a unique professional historian, noting that he had fostered wide public interest in history. The citation observed that "few graduates of this University have exerted greater influence on national life". Blainey has been an important contributor to the debate over Australian history, often referred to as the History Wars.

In his Sir John Latham Memorial Lecture , Blainey coined the phrases " Black armband view of history " versus the contrasting "three cheers" view see History wars. The phrase "Black armband view of history" began to be used, pejoratively or otherwise, by some Australian commentators and intellectuals about historians and journalists, judges and clergymen, whom they viewed as having presented an unfairly critical portrayal of Australian history since European settlement.

Blainey coined the term the "Black armband view of history" to refer to those historians and academics, usually leftist, who denigrated Australia's past to an unusual degree and even accused European Australians of genocide against Aborigines. Former Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser described the Australian history wars as a branch of the " culture wars " and attributed Blainey with having initiated the wider wars in his immigration speeches of Reflecting on the Australian Bicentenary in , Blainey accused some academics and journalists of depicting Australian history since British settlement as essentially a "story of violence, exploitation, repression, racism, sexism, capitalism, colonialism, and a few other 'isms'.

Blainey referred to the contrasting positive histories as the "three cheers" school. To some extent my generation was reared on the Three Cheers view of history. This patriotic view of our past had a long run.

It saw Australian history as largely a success. While the convict era was a source of shame or unease, nearly everything that came after was believed to be pretty good. There is a rival view, which I call the Black Armband view of history. In recent years it has assailed the optimistic view of history.

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The black armbands were quietly worn in official circles in The multicultural folk busily preached their message that until they arrived much of Australian history was a disgrace. The past treatment of Aborigines, of Chinese, of Kanakas, of non-British migrants, of women, the very old, the very young, and the poor was singled out, sometimes legitimately, sometimes not The Black Armband view of history might well represent the swing of the pendulum from a position that had been too favourable, too self congratulatory, to an opposite extreme that is even more unreal and decidedly jaundiced.

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