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Broeckmann investigates critical aspects of machine aesthetics that characterized machine art until the s and then turns to specific domains of artistic engagement with technology: algorithms and machine autonomy, looking in particular at the work of the Canadian artist David Rokeby; vision and image, and the advent of technical imaging; and the human body, using the work of the Australian artist Stelarc as an entry point to art that couples the machine to the body, mechanically or cybernetically. Finally, Broeckmann argues that systems thinking and ecology have brought about a fundamental shift in the meaning of technology, which has brought with it a rethinking of human subjectivity.


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He examines a range of artworks, including those by the Japanese artist Seiko Mikami, whose work exemplifies the shift. Machine Art in the Twentieth Century. Unlike the young dissidents who formed parties and wrote manifestos, the New Communalists hoped to do away with politics entirely. They wanted to organize their communities around a shared mind-set, a unified consciousness. Such a consciousness, he explained, could become the foundation of a new kind of society, one that would be nonhierarchical and collaborative.

In , Brand and his wife Lois drove their aging pickup truck to a string of communes to see what the new settlers needed in the way of tools. Despite its name, the Catalog did not actually sell anything. Instead, it collected recommendations for tools that might be useful to people headed back to the land.

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Another was an early and massive Hewlett-Packard calculator. Even so, the New Communalists embraced small technologies that they hoped would help them live as independent citizens within the kind of universe that Wiener and the Committee had described, a universe in which all things were interlinked by information.

As the first nodes of the internet were being wired together, the Catalog became a paperbound search engine. The future leaders of Silicon Valley took notice. It was sort of like Google in paperback form, thirty-five years before Google came along. By the mids, computers were small enough to sit on desks, and individual users were able to type messages to one another in real time.

The Voice of the Machines an Introduction to the Twentieth Century

Most of the communes had collapsed, but the computer industry in northern California was growing rapidly, and it welcomed former communards. On the WELL, users dialed in to a server where they saw messages from other users in threaded conversations. Howard Rheingold, a journalist and early member, believed that the WELL was a melding of the minds, a kind of virtual community. Computers for the people was the latest battle in the same campaign. They would achieve it through open conversation spaces like the WELL, engineered public spheres in which individuals gave voice to their experiences, gathered feedback from their peers, and changed their behavior accordingly.

If the mass-media era had brought us Hitler and Stalin, they believed, the internet would bring us back our individuality. Finally, we could do away with hierarchy, bureaucracy, and totalitarianism. Finally, we could just be ourselves, together. T oday, that sense of utopian mission persists throughout Silicon Valley. For Zuckerberg, as for much of the left today, the key to a more egalitarian society lies in the freeing of individual voices, the expression of different lived experiences, and the forming of social groups around shared identities.

But Facebook has tried to enable this kind of society by creating privately owned, for-profit digital technologies. This view has proved enormously profitable across Silicon Valley. By justifying the belief that for-profit systems are the best way to improve public life, it has helped turn the expression of individual experience into raw material that can be mined, processed, and sold. The big social-media companies, which often began with a dream of making WELL-like virtual communities at scale, have now become radically commercialized and devoted to surveillance at every level.

On the WELL, users listened to each other, trying to get a feel for what kinds of people they were and how they might work together. Now user data is optimized and retailed automatically, to advertisers and other media firms, in real time. Computers track conversations and extract patterns at light speed, rendering them profitable.

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It has turned it into the foundation of a new kind of authoritarianism. Fascists used to be distinguished by their penchant for obedience, submission, and self-erasure, with the power of public emotional expression reserved for the dictator. That is why both Wiener and the Committee stressed the qualities of independence and self-awareness in the democratic personality. And it was against the background of fascism that, during and after the s, Vietnam protestors, civil-rights activists, feminists, queer-rights activists, and other members of the myriad communities who drove the rise of identity politics asserted their individual, lived experience as the basis of their right to political power.

If the essence of totalitarianism was collective self-effacement, the foundation of democracy would have to be the assertion of collective individuality. Figures such as Richard Spencer, for instance, have adopted the playful, confessional style of online influencers everywhere.


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    • What holds the movement together in the public eye is its savvy use of social media. They aim to be read as whole people—witty, warm, and authentically themselves. Most are masters of microcelebrity. Despite their intellectual differences, Lewis points out that they have been able to create the impression that they are a unified political force.

    Paulette Goddard

    Alt-right figures have consciously modeled their online behavior after the political logic of the s counterculture, and particularly its New Communalist wing. They created a subculture by infesting certain elements of the existing culture. That is what we aim to do. The identity-based movements of the left have been extraordinarily effective at changing American culture, and the alt-right clearly hopes to copy their success.

    By claiming the mantle of rebellion, the alt-right can take to the streets in protest as if anticolonialism in the classroom were a new Vietnam War. They can argue that their ability to spew hate is in fact a civil right, and that their movement is simply a new version of the Free Speech Movement of Lewis notes that the conservative activist Candace Owens rose to YouTube fame after she posted a humorous video on her channel, Red Pill Black, that revealed her political beliefs to her parents. Pundits on the left are fond of reminding us of how Trump storms and fulminates, the White House itself unable to contain his petulance and rage.

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    What they fail to understand is that Trump has mastered the politics of authenticity for a new media age. Trump is not only true to his own emotions. He is to his political base what Hitler was to many Germans, or Mussolini to Italians—the living embodiment of the nation. Here, the identity-centered liberalism that has dominated so much of public life since the Second World War has come full circle.

    Its victories have been many, from civil rights to legalized abortion and gay marriage, and they have dramatically changed American life for the better. Fifty years ago, the New Left marched on the Pentagon, hoping to undermine the military-industrial complex behind the Vietnam War. Today, those hierarchical institutions are all that stand between us and a cult of personality. I f the communes of the s teach us anything, they teach us that a community that replaces laws and institutions with a cacophony of individual voices courts bigotry and collapse. Without explicit, democratically adopted rules for distributing resources, the communes allowed unspoken cultural norms to govern their lives.

    Women were frequently relegated to the most traditional of gender roles; informal racial segregation was common; and charismatic leaders—almost always men—took charge. Gerald Stanley Lee. From inside the book. Contents Machines as Seen from a Meadow.