Manual Decay Of The West

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The Decline of the West or The Downfall of the Occident, is a two-volume work by Oswald Spengler, the first volume of which was published in the summer of.
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By the end of the BC the Romans had spread across the Mediterranean, to the places most easily accessed by sea. They should have stopped there, but things were going well and they felt empowered to expand to new frontiers by land.

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While transportation by sea was economical, however, transportation across land was slow and expensive. All the while, they were overextending themselves and running up costs. The Empire managed to remain stable in the ensuing centuries, but repercussions for spreading themselves too thin caught up with them in the 3rd Century, which was plagued by civil war and invasions. The Empire tried to maintain its core lands, even as the army ate up its budget and inflation climbed ever higher as the government debased its silver currency to try to cover its mounting expenses.

While some scholars cite the beginning of collapse as the year , when the invading Visigoths sacked the capital, that dramatic event was made possible by a downward spiral spanning more than a century.

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As stated in the laws of thermodynamics, it takes energy to maintain any system in a complex, ordered state — and human society is no exception. By the 3rd Century, Rome was increasingly adding new things — an army double the size, a cavalry, subdivided provinces that each needed their own bureaucracies, courts and defences — just to maintain its status quo and keep from sliding backwards.

Eventually, it could no longer afford to prop up those heightened complexities.


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It was fiscal weakness, not war, that did the Empire in. So far, modern Western societies have largely been able to postpone similar precipitators of collapse through fossil fuels and industrial technologies — think hydraulic fracturing coming along in , just in time to offset soaring oil prices. Tainter suspects this will not always be the case, however. Eventually, investment in complexity as a problem-solving strategy reaches a point of diminishing returns, leading to fiscal weakness and vulnerability to collapse.

As poorer nations continue to disintegrate amid conflicts and natural disasters, enormous waves of migrants will stream out of failing regions, seeking refuge in more stable states. Western societies will respond with restrictions and even bans on immigration; multi-billion dollar walls and border-patrolling drones and troops; heightened security on who and what gets in; and more authoritarian, populist styles of governing. Meanwhile, a widening gap between rich and poor within those already vulnerable Western nations will push society toward further instability from the inside.

Whether in the US, UK or elsewhere, the more dissatisfied and afraid people become, Homer-Dixon says, the more of a tendency they have to cling to their in-group identity — whether religious, racial or national.

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Denial, including of the emerging prospect of societal collapse itself, will be widespread, as will rejection of evidence-based fact. If people admit that problems exist at all, they will assign blame for those problems to everyone outside of their in-group, building up resentment. When localised violence finally does break out, or another country or group decides to invade, collapse will be difficult to avoid. Europe, with its close proximity to Africa, its land bridge to the Middle East and its neighbourly status with more politically volatile nations to the East, will feel these pressures first.

The US will likely hold out longer, surrounded as it is by ocean buffers. A severe drought in Syria left many people — especially young men — unemployed, discontent and desperate, which may have been a factor that led to civil war Credit Getty Images :. On the other hand, Western societies may not meet with a violent, dramatic end. In some cases, civilisations simply fade out of existence — becoming the stuff of history not with a bang but a whimper. The British Empire has been on this path since , Randers says, and other Western nations might go this route as well.

As time passes, they will become increasingly inconsequential and, in response to the problems driving their slow fade-out, will also starkly depart from the values they hold dear today. Some of these forecasts and early warning signs should sound familiar, precisely because they are already underway.

Western civilisation is not a lost cause, however. Using reason and science to guide decisions, paired with extraordinary leadership and exceptional goodwill, human society can progress to higher and higher levels of well-being and development, Homer-Dixon says. Even as we weather the coming stresses of climate change, population growth and dropping energy returns, we can maintain our societies and better them.

But that requires resisting the very natural urge, when confronted with such overwhelming pressures, to become less cooperative, less generous and less open to reason. Discover more of our picks. Disaster comes when elites push society toward instability and eventual collapse by hoarding huge quantities of wealth and resources. Eventually, Rome could no longer afford to prop up its heightened complexities.

As the 21st century unfolds, China is more likely than other emerging nations to threaten U. But unless or until the rest of the world is forced to choose sides, most developing countries will keep their options open, not obediently follow America's lead. Already, rising powers are showing that they'll chart their own courses. Turkey for decades oriented its statecraft westward, focusing almost exclusively on its ties to the United States and Europe.

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Now, Ankara looks primarily east and south, seeking to extend its sway throughout the Middle East. Its secular bent has given way to Islamist leanings; its traditionally close connection with Israel is on the rocks; and its relations with Washington, although steadier of late, have never recovered from the rift over the U.

India is supposedly America's newest strategic partner.

The great decay of western democracies

Relations have certainly improved since the agreement on civilian nuclear cooperation, and the two nations see eye to eye on checking China's regional intentions. But on many other fronts, Washington and New Delhi are miles apart. India frets, for instance, that the U. On the most pressing national security issue of the day--Iran's nuclear program--India is more of a hindrance than a help, defying Washington's effort to isolate Iran through tighter economic sanctions. And the two democracies have long been at loggerheads over trade and market access.

Nations such as Turkey and India, which Kagan argues will be either geopolitically irrelevant or solid American supporters, are already pushing back against Washington. And they are doing so while the United States still wields a pronounced preponderance of power. Imagine how things will look when the playing field has truly leveled out. Despite his faith that rising powers save China will be America's friends, Kagan at least recognizes that their ascent could come at America's expense.

Will not the "increasing economic clout" of emerging powers, he asks, "cut into American power and influence? For starters, he claims that the growing wealth of developing nations need not diminish U. True enough. But one of the past's most indelible patterns is that rising nations eventually expect their influence to be commensurate with their power.

The proposition that countries such as India and Brazil will sit quietly in the global shadows as they become economic titans flies in the face of history. Other than modern-day Germany and Japan--both of which have punched well below their weight due to constraints imposed on them after World War II--a country's geopolitical aspirations generally rise in step with its economic strength. During the s, for instance, the United States tapped its industrial might to launch a blue-water navy, rapidly turning itself from an international lightweight into a world-class power.

China is now in the midst of fashioning geopolitical aspirations that match its economic strength--as are other emerging powers. India is pouring resources into its navy; its fleet expansion includes 20 new warships and two aircraft carriers.

End of days: Is Western civilisation on the brink of collapse?

To support his thesis that emerging powers are not rising at the expense of U. He then cites numerous occasions, most of them during the Cold War, when adversaries and allies alike resisted U. The upshot is that other nations are no less compliant today than they used to be, and that the sporadic intransigence of emerging powers is par for the course.

But today's global landscape is new. By presuming that current circumstances are comparable with the Cold War, Kagan underestimates the centrifugal forces thwarting American influence. Bipolarity no longer constrains how far nations--even those aligned with Washington--will stray from the fold.


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  • And the United States no longer wields the economic influence that it once did. Its transition from creditor to debtor nation and from budget surpluses to massive deficits explains why it has been watching from the sidelines as its partners in Europe flirt with financial meltdown.

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    The G-7, a grouping of like-minded democracies, used to oversee the global economy. Now that role is played by the G, a much more unwieldy group in which Washington has considerably less influence. And it is hardly business as usual when foreign countries lay claim to nearly 50 percent of publicly held U. Yes, U. China may prove to be America's most formidable competitor, but other emerging nations will also be finding their own orbits, not automatically aligning themselves with Washington.

    America's most reliable partners in the years ahead will remain its traditional allies, Europe and Japan. That's why it spells trouble for the United States that these allies are on the losing end of the ongoing redistribution of global power. The Wrong Lesson. Finally, Kagan's timing is off. He is right that power shifts over decades, not years. But he underestimates the speed at which substantial changes can occur. He notes, for example, "The United States today is not remotely like Britain circa , when that empire's relative decline began to become apparent.

    It is more like Britain circa , when the empire was at the height of its power.