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Updated Edition. New York: Norton. Melissen, J. In Melissen, J. Mihut, M. Procedia Economics and Finance, 3, Retrieved July 4, , from www. Retrieved November 10, , from www. Retrieved January 6, , from www. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Murashkin, N. Australian Journal of International Affairs, 72 5 , Nolte, D. Review of International Studies, 36 4 , Nye, J. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ohtsu, M. London: An East Gate Book. Regional Great Powers. In Neumann, I. Regional Great Powers in International Politics. Basingstoke: St. Focus Asia, No.
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Pacific Focus, 27 2 , Potter, D. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 5 1 , Japanese Studies, 34 1 , Purrington, C. Pacific Affairs, 65 2 , Rix, A. Sawamura, N. Journal of International Cooperation in Education, 7 1 , Sayuri, S. In Hook, G. Shiraishi, T. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Soikham, P. In Ghosh, L.
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Singapore: Springer. Son, K. Japan Journal of Political Science , 15 1 , St John, R. Stubbs, R. International Journal, 46 4 , Sudo, S. Pacific Affairs, 61 1 , The Mainichi. Retrieved February 24, , from www.
Asian Perspective, 31 2 , Dispatch to the Department of State. July 24, National Archives Wang, H. Middle Range Powers in Global Governance. Third World Quarterly, 34 6 , Watanabe, T. Asia-Pacific Review, 13 2 , Weatherbee, D. Cooperation and Conflict in the Mekong River Basin.
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Williams, W. This elephant then became irresistible to other elephants, which followed it towards the town, as it led them into a special enclosure. The ones that pleased the king were kept, and the others were released back into the jungle. The people in this kingdom treated elephants in the same way that people treated goats and horses in India, namely as their personal possessions. Among the other oddities, Tahir claims that there was no gold or silver in Pegu, and hence no coinage in this area.
But this meant that if one had a hundred Rupees worth of such coins, you needed two elephants to carry them. Since olden times to date, he asserts, exchange in this country had been carried out in this impractical way. Tahir 's description of Pegu can be contrasted to his more brief mention of Arakan or Arakhang , paradoxical in view of the greater proximity of Arakan to the Mughal domains.
He notes that some people had fled from there to the Bengal port of Sonargaon, that the rulers possessed cannon and guns in plenty, and that the Franks had hence been unable to capture the place. But here too, as in Pegu, they ate all sorts of food without discrimination. Brothers and sisters had sexual relations here too.
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They too had two or three white elephants. And they too were fascinated by camels, and if they could find one, they worshipped it. Clearly, proximity has in this case reduced none of the exoticism that is attached to the inhabitants of either Arakan or Pegu, who seem to be rather peculiar. Is what creates a barrier for him the absence of a substantial implantation of Islam in these lands?
In order to test this hypothesis, we need to look to his other elaborate description, namely that of the Sultanate of Aceh. Aceh in : A Mughal view. By the early seventeenth century, there are at least a few indications to suggest that the Sultanate of Aceh was known in the Mughal court. One of these concerns an anecdote regarding the introduction of tobacco to the Mughal court, recounted in the memoirs of the official Asad Beg Qazwini.
This Mughal official reports that on his return to Agra after an embassy in the Deccan, he decided to present the emperor Akbar with tobacco, which though quite common in Bijapur was apparently new to northern India. He notes that he had equally procured a golden pipe chilam to smoke it from the Deccan, studded with precious stones ; this pipe was three yards long, and was originally made in Bandar Aceh, a place whose location he does not see the need to explain. It was decorated at both ends, and the mouthpiece was fitted with a good-quality Yemeni ruby to make it all the more attractive.
In the ensuing discussion, in the court, it was noted that tobacco had only been recently discovered ; as for the pipes, they generally came to the ports banddir of India from Aceh. This section of the text begins then by approaching Aceh not through its social customs or political institutions, but through the commercial products that may be had there.
It was said by common folk in Bengal and elsewhere that camphor arises when certain special drops of rain fall between banana trees. But Tahir Muhammad divulges that better information is now available. For it turns out that the ruler of Aceh had sent some of the wood from which camphor is made along with his agents wukald'-i khwud , and together with other gifts, to the emperor.
Muhammad Akbar. Here then is direct evidence of diplomatic contacts between Aceh and the Mughal court by about , which may help us partly resolve the question of the nature of and conduit for the influences discussed variously by Rouffaer, Iskandar and Lombard. Tahir Muhammad had heard that simply from looking at this wood, one could gather that the tree must be like a mango-tree or a chindr. The camphor apparently had to be extracted from the wood using metal claws, and the larger grains were worth more than the others.
From Aceh proper to the country of the cannibals, where the camphor could be found, it was a distance of five days' journey. The cannibals had scattered villages, but despite this, it turned out that they were all related to one another. If one of them fell ill, they let some time pass ; and when the illness had advanced, they killed the person, and distributed the body parts amongst different families, with the chief kaldntar getting the head.
These parts were then hung in houses, so that every major house had some heads hanging there as a sign of status.
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The more heads you had hanging in your house, the more it was taken to be a sign of your power and importance. But matters did not stop there with the traffic in body parts. When these cannibals gambled, they offered their own hands and feet as wagers in the game, and if they lost, their hands and feet were cut off and other pieces of flesh were also taken away in proportion to the loss.
The other cannibals ate this flesh with no hesitation at all, and nor did the people whose task it was to cut up the others hesitate for a moment, or even think to discuss the matter afterwards. A small parenthesis adds that they also ate pan leaves, or betel, in the area, as if to suggest that the cannibals were not entirely beyond the pale in the things they consumed.
Besides all this, once a year, there was also a special day when the ruler of the cannibals and his people got together and ate human flesh gosht-i ddam. On this particular occasion, a chosen man was rendered unconscious by placing a hand over his mouth. Occasionally, if he pleaded, they let him go and caught another man, the reason for this being that it was not considered good to eat an unhappy person. Then, the body parts were cooked along with other food, and if someone in the group refused to eat, their status and respect fell in the cannibal society.
Having disposed of the cannibals, Tahir Muhammad now turns to the city of Aceh itself and its customs. He notes that the society was characterised by. For example, if the son and daughter of two people fall in love, on the first night that they spend together, the kotwdl simply writes it down. He then gives them six months respite, and at the end of this time, if they persist, they are apprehended. If they are caught together in flagrante delicto, they are summarily brought before the ruler next morning.
Rather, he gives a sign, at which one of the royal eunuchs gets on the chief elephant, and takes them to the chief maiddn, where they are killed. To do this, they are placed side by side, and they recite love-verses in their own language while approaching one another step by step, and being stoned by the gathered people. They are stoned from behind in such a way that they utter no sound, until they both fall dead.
This then was a land of rather strange customs, and summary justice, as is also shown by the fact that they routinely cut off the limbs of thieves. Mention is also made of a special place of exile, on a strip of land surrounded by the sea on three sides, where wrongdoers were pushed out for life through a door that was then shut behind them. The men and women who were sent there had to make their lives in the place, and even wound up constituting families there.
But this harshness has its underlying reasons.