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Set during the last days of the Ottoman Empire, The Promise follows a love triangle between Michael, a brilliant medical student, the beautiful and sophisticated.
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Accessed 7 January Keep scrolling for more More Definitions for promise promise. Entry 1 of 2 : a statement telling someone that you will definitely do something or that something will definitely happen in the future : an indication of future success or improvement : a reason to expect that something will happen in the future promise. Entry 1 of 2 1 : a statement by a person that he or she will do or not do something I made a promise to pay within a month. Note: A gratuitous promise may be enforceable under promissory estoppel. Please tell us where you read or heard it including the quote, if possible.

Test Your Vocabulary Liar, Liar Quiz Someone who pretends to be sick in order to avoid work is a: malingerer fabricationist port-hound Duke-of-the-nether-willies Can you spell these 10 commonly misspelled words? Test Your Knowledge - and learn some interesting things along the way.

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Subscribe to America's largest dictionary and get thousands more definitions and advanced search—ad free! People had to pass the time somehow. Putting 'Edible' and 'Eatable' on the Table Giving you something to chew on.

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Login or Register. Save Word. Log In. Keep scrolling for more. Synonyms for promise Synonyms: Noun oath , pledge , troth , vow , word Synonyms: Verb covenant , pledge , swear , vow Visit the Thesaurus for More. Examples of promise in a Sentence Noun She gave me her promise. First Known Use of promise Noun 15th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1a Verb 15th century, in the meaning defined at transitive sense 1.

The study 1 — published this week in Nature Human Behaviour — is a high-profile example of an emerging trend: using huge amounts of data and computing power to uncover genetic contributions to complex social traits. Studies published in the past decade have examined genetic variants linked to aggression, same-sex sexual behaviour , well-being and antisocial behaviours, as well as the tendency to drink and smoke. In doing such science, geneticists are heading for controversial territory. To the geneticists and social scientists doing this work, the results offer a useful and important guide to the relative contributions of nature and nurture to specific behavioural traits — just as genetic analysis can already highlight people who have an increased risk of cancer or heart disease.

The approach could, for example, improve understanding of how the environment affects complex traits, and so offer a way to intervene to improve areas such as public education.

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Caveats abound. The genetic contribution to any behavioural trait is relatively small and easily swamped by the influence of the environment. The studies can reveal only whether someone is likely to have a certain trait, and cannot predict the qualities of any one individual. Most scientists are quick to point out why they do this work — to establish what role, if any, genetics has in behaviour — and to lay out its limitations.

But not everyone is listening: already, some companies see a market in reading DNA like a fortune-teller reads tea leaves. Critics charge that the ethical and societal risks of acting on such information are too great. We live in a very unequal society and this is a major challenge. For decades, geneticists assumed that most traits were governed by just a handful of genes — whether it was a relatively simple one such as height, or something as complex as antisocial behaviour.

But as the sample sizes swelled, researchers began to find hundreds of variants that each have a relatively small effect on a trait. These projects — known as genome-wide association studies GWAS — build up a picture of which DNA letters vary from person to person called single nucleotide polymorphisms, or SNPs , which variants are most common in people with a given trait and how much of the difference between individuals these SNP patterns represent.

Adding up the contributions made by all these spots on the genome gives researchers a measure of the importance of genetics to a trait, known as a polygenic score.


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    • As studies into physiology and disease piled up, scientists began to wonder whether the methods would work on social and psychological attributes. But for others, the signal from genetics studies has blossomed from initially feeble to surprisingly strong. But then, a repeat by the same consortium using a sample that included almost , people — more than double the number in the study — found 74 SNPs that could explain 3.

    When the consortium combined data from 1. Graduating students at the University of Sheffield, UK. Genetic signatures linked to spending more — or fewer — years in school appear to cluster in geographic regions. Beyond education, researchers have examined other socially shaped traits.

    And in , a weak genetic signature for antisocial behaviour showed up in a GWAS of a group of 6, Finnish prisoners 8.

    Neither study produced a polygenic score, but researchers expect scores for these traits will emerge as sample sizes continue to grow. The growing power of GWAS inspired Abdellaoui to ask a different question: how do social traits such as educational attainment vary across a country? To find out, he and his team dug into the UK Biobank data set, which holds blood and tissue samples and survey responses for almost , people and cross-references the information to medical data such as hospital admissions. The team looked at previous studies to amass a list of 33 health and behavioural traits and the genetic variants that influence them, adding up the contribution of each variant to get a polygenic score.

    The researchers then investigated the UK Biobank samples to see whether these genotypes differed across the United Kingdom. They first discounted genetic variation caused by historical regional differences in ancestry, throwing out variants that are common because of shared ancestry rather than because they govern a trait. Then they could see which traits still clustered into certain regions. For some traits — caffeine consumption, for example — there was no regional difference.

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    But for others, such as educational attainment, the difference was significant. The researchers found that people living in former coal-mining regions had, on average, fewer genetic variants that correlated with staying in school longer or with going on to higher education 1. Abdellaoui stresses that what they have produced is more description than explanation. The researchers think the regional difference is down to the migration of more-educated people to richer areas that offer them jobs, leaving behind people who have genetic signatures linked to spending less time in school.

    This social stratification could become more marked over time, they say. The researchers found the same geographic pattern for other traits, but the relationships were weaker. Genotypes known to be strongly associated with lower socio-economic status and lower cognitive ability were found more often in the poorer areas.

    Those in coal-mining areas had more genetic variants linked to lower socio-economic status, and were also more likely to vote for the left-wing Labour party or the right-wing UK Independence Party.

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    Individuals were also more likely to have voted for the United Kingdom to leave the EU in the Brexit referendum. Abdellaoui says this does not mean that someone is genetically predisposed to vote in a certain way. Other researchers in the field agree with this caution. They are informative descriptive statistics, but descriptive nonetheless.

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    One of the biggest sources of confusion is what a polygenic score actually shows about the contributions of nature and nurture, Benjamin says. For instance, the scores cannot foretell that one individual will definitely graduate from university and another will quit school aged Not everyone is so cautious, says Morris. A working group announced earlier this month by bioethics think tank The Hastings Center in Garrison, New York, plans to examine the field and advise researchers and stakeholders on how to conduct and talk about the work see go.

    But others are less guarded. They argue that genetic screens of behaviour and cognitive ability could help children as young as three to fare better at school. Sabatello, the bioethicist, predicts that the first applications will be in specialist education, such as for cases in which the parents of children with conditions such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ADHD , autism spectrum disorder or dyslexia could use genotypes as evidence to demand a different approach for their child.

    At the moment, there are no reliable polygenic scores to assess the contribution of genes to these conditions, but large-scale studies, more powerful than those done before, including a major GWAS currently under way for ADHD, could produce them in the future. Although the focus on identifying and helping children with extra educational needs might sound altruistic, it, too, has a troubling historical precedent.