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Sep 30, - Cholo Writing: Latino Gang Graffiti in Los Angeles. New book out from Dokument Press in Sweden. Its about the special form of graffiti found in.
Table of contents
The artist was shot at point blank range by two different assailants with two separate firearms, losing full movement of his right hand for many years. Prime responded by training himself to write and paint with his left hand, which is how he primarily paints today, although he has developed ambidextrous skills and at times switches hands. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Los Angeles , California , U. Art in the Streets.
The Vibe History of Hip Hop. But critics remain skeptical. The Other Side. New York, NY:Vintage. Hidden categories: Articles with hCards. Namespaces Article Talk. The logo is smaller than the initials of the barrio and is placed between them, thereby claiming membership in the larger community, but not at the expense of neighborhood loyalty. Element "c" is an alternate form the "X" is read as the Roman numeral ten for the number thirteen discussed in the last example.
Element "d" identifies the subject of the memorial as "Flako" an anglicization of the Spanish "Flaco," meaning "skinny" , followed by "R I P" for "rest in peace. It is carefully painted in silver paint on a dark background. The surface on which elements "a," "b," and "c" are painted is a roll-up door set in a brick wall. This niche is reminiscent of the memorial altars created in many Latino homes.
Also, intentionally or not, when the roll- up door is opened, elements "a" through "c" disappear, but element "d" which includes the name of the deceased remains visible at all times. The central element "a" reads "Varrio Indiana Dukes are down. Element "b" asserts gang membership as a way of life.
This tattoo is traditionally worn on the web between the thumb and first finger Vigil, and symbolizes gang involvement for life. This element therefore asserts a commitment to the group as identity and as a way of life. The writer of this graffito, "El Shy One Cisko" in element "c", demonstrates his commitment and solidarity with the group by "throwing down" this placa. Taken together, these elements declare identity, commitment and solidarity with the barrio. Note the location on the side of a business. The graffito competes with advertising murals. Rojas describes this phenomenon of "no blank walls" as definitional, in part, of the aesthetic of public space in East Los Angeles which creates "a new reality of visual stimulation" p.
As shown, the objects expressed include identity, solidarity, power, rebelliousness, territoriality, and primacy. The objects expressed can be regarded as statements of shared values of the group. Gang members and affiliated non-members can receive "peer respect and approval, security and protection, group support and acceptance," while expressing "age and sex role identification" in an environment that rebels against white, mainstream institutions. The set includes three images of placas without roll call. However, these samples vary in three interesting ways: 1 Figure 7 appropriates the "crossing out" practice associated with the predominantly black Crips and Bloods; 2 Figure 8 uses a script common in non-monumental cholo arte; and 3 young women, as identified by the use of the Spanish article "la ", are the apparent writers of these graffiti, contrary to convention.
Tradition is transformed in these samples. One reason for this transformation may be connected to the gang's location in South Central Los Angeles. Though a mere ten- minute drive from East Los Angeles, many neighborhoods fall in between these two regions. For young people who identify strongly with their own barrio, five neighborhoods may represent a world of difference. The loosening of this connection may admit more creativity with respect to forms, and may also allow the transgression of traditional sex-roles. South Central is a historically African-American region of the city.
In recent years, the numbers of Latinos living there has increased dramatically.
Cholo Writing
Blacks and Latinos live, if not side-by-side, at least neighborhood-by-neighborhood. The crossing out of the letter "C" in Figure 7 is typical of the practice by the largely African-American Bloods of crossing out the initial letter of the opposing gang, the Crips Moje, , October.
The proximity of a different culture allows a cross-pollination of forms not possible in mono-ethnic East Los Angeles. Also, these women writers have transformed a script commonly associated with femininity.
GRAFFITI L. A. - STREET STYLES AND ART
This script, often employed in tattoos and romantic pencil and paper drawings for, by, or about young cholas Figure 10 , is here utilized in the monumental form, redefining both script and form in the process. Young women here are writers, as opposed to East Los Angeles where males virtually always play that role. Note also that while the use of an article before the name is used to mark the male writer in the traditional form, here is used to mark gender, as all of the names are preceded by the feminine article "la.
This public literacy practice is available to these youth by virtue of their race and ethnicity, their immigration status, their sex, age, and socioeconomic class at a particular time and in a particular place. The examples analyzed above demonstrate that the youth who executed them have acquired a structured and rule- governed practice, which they can use purposefully toward signification that is meaningful to both the individual and the group.
The examples from South Central Los Angeles also demonstrate that this practice is flexible and can be reshaped by different users in different contexts. I will now use these analyses to describe the content, nature and function of Chicano gang graffiti.
- Riff Raff (A Jack Vu Mystery);
- Pin on Mi Vida Loca;
- Cholo Writing Latino Gang Graffiti by First Last.
- Twelve Years a Slave.
- The Golden Bird (illustrated);
- Cholo Writing: Latino Gang Graffiti in Los Angeles.
- Better Than Ever. Screenplay.
Content All of the examples analyzed are declarations of identity and affiliation. These declarations of identity include individual pseudonyms Flako, El Manboy, La Funny and group names Indiana Street, White Fence , as well as descriptions of them as powerful, loyal, rebellious and connected to place. The pseudonyms may identify personal qualities and affirm uniqueness while at the same time conferring anonymity Vigil, They also bestow familial status on their bearers Cruz Reguillo, , and as in a family, members of the gang-family memorialize those they have lost.
Quezada often involves local gang youth in the creation of murals, and always includes a "roll call" of the collaborating artists. The only exception he makes to this rule is "when he is commemorating those who have died" p. The barrio names, which frequently do not align with political or bureaucratic boundaries, affirm local meanings and connect the gang members to a specific place and its history.
Kim notes that urban geography is mapped according to subjective meanings. According to her, the City of Los Angeles identified 53 different "centers" and erected signs to designate neighborhoods, while a major local map company named 70 different communities in the city p. In East Los Angeles, barrio boundaries and names have remained relatively stable for over twenty years. The claims about barrio life are tied to power and bravado rifa , rebellion and defiance 13, Duke Life.
These claims are similar across neighborhoods and through time. Connections, both implicit and explicit, are made as well to larger social units the Mexican Mafia, the city of Los Angeles, the family, and the church. These connections occur at various levels and to social units of varying proximity. Nature Declarations of identity and affiliation are always cultural.
The cultural content of the examples above represent a hybridization of forms from several cultures, including Old School Cholo culture, Chicanismo, the earlier Pachuquismo or Zootsuiter culture, and to Mexico by way of the Mexican-American migration. These cultural artifacts are monumental, in the sense that they are prominent and over-sized, and public in that they are accessible to a large, unspecified group.
The prominence and publicity are achieved through the use of high-contrast, single color spray painted letters and symbols on highly visible neighborhood walls. That lexicon is based in Spanish and English orthography, Arabic and Roman numerals, and various other signs such as the three-dots and down-pointing arrow in Figure 6, and the Dodgers logo in Figure 5 drawn from local and popular sources. The historical stability of language, forms, locations, media, and process lead to a conservative characterization of this literacy practice.
The conventional practice is a gendered one, with young men being the typical writers. This gendering offers evidence of the subordination of women Stromquist, The sexual division of labor, which assigns domestic responsibilities inordinately to young women, and the control of women's sexuality by men, which leads to strict constraint of their public movements , p. As such, the women who position themselves as writers in this sample can be seen as resisting the traditional gender regime of their families and neighborhoods.
This resistance on the part of young women, as well as the appropriation of forms more typically associated with black gangs and the monumentalizing of pen and ink forms, demonstrate that while this literacy practice tends to be conservative within East Los Angeles, it is an adaptable practice. This adaptation exhibits hybridity and flexibility in the hands of different writers or the context of a new geographical setting. The fact that graffiti is a crime makes it by definition an oppositional practice.
But oppositional to whom? And while community efforts to eradicate graffiti do exist within barrios, not all community members are in agreement with this approach Kim, The content of graffiti, indeed, is generally positive as it serves normal adolescent needs. Stewart describes graffiti writers as rebelling "against the imposed environment", where there is nowhere to make "his or her 'mark' p. The crime, she asserts, is not in the content, but in the mode of production.
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- “Cholo Writing: Latino Gang Graffiti in Los Angeles”.
The criminal aspect of graffiti is the not the medium utilized, even though law enforcement efforts have sought to control access to spray paint in order to control graffiti, but rather the writers' unauthorized seizure of private public space. The walls upon which graffiti appears and which constitute buildings that are owned as seen to be violated and polluted by the presence of this writing. Outrage and fear are common middle-class reactions to the appearance of graffiti Stewart, Graffiti is said to provide evidence of the existence of gangs and their threatbut certainly other proof exists, and we know that the elimination of graffiti does not lead to the elimination of gangs.
Instead, painting over graffiti serves to provide fresh canvases to waiting writers. The criminality of gang graffiti, and the fact that it is most frequently written by low-income youth, has helped to shape its practice. The writing must be completed quickly, anonymously and with low-cost materials. Further, the legal constraints to writing graffiti help to make the completion of a large and visible placa more of an accomplishment than it might otherwise represent.
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The achievement represents not just a declaration in support of the barrio, but also "getting away with" a peer-valued act in the face of considerable barriers established by authorities. Members of the same gang, for example, can decode the message and may know the "real identities" of the persons referred to by pseudonyms.
Those in another gang may be able to decode the message, but be unsure of the identities of the persons behind the pseudonyms. Accordingly, local residents may be familiar with some or all of the code, so their readings may reside between insider and outsider. Orellana and Hernandez describe how first-graders in their study "paid close attention" to graffiti and "deciphered it more readily" p. It is common for even now middle- class adults from East Los Angeles to refer to their neighborhoods by the barrio names used in gang graffiti rather than official designations.
This sorting of readers performed by gang graffiti means that graffiti function differently for different groups of readers. Function Chicano gang graffiti function differently for different audiences, which is to say that different publics construct differing meanings. Here, I consider three of those possible functions. For the writers and other youth in the gang, graffiti may fulfill normal developmental needs.
Though it is a forbidden practice within school, for educators graffiti may display literate competency and raise interesting questions regarding pedagogy. And for the larger society, graffiti is embedded with important critiques of modern urban life.