Convaincre, cest facile ! (SANS TABOUS) (French Edition)

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Civilian JTF members have been involved, as Amnesty International has documented, in beating and killing men after their arrests. In mid, the security forces pushed Boko Haram out of the cities and towns of north- east Nigeria where they had lived among the population. Boko Haram fighters moved to remote communities and camps, such as their headquarters in Sambisa forest, Borno state. From these bases, Boko Haram launched almost daily attacks against civilian targets.

At its greatest extent, territory under Boko Haram control extended across most parts of Borno, northern Adamawa and into eastern Yobe states. In March , after a renewed counter-offensive, the military announced that they had recaptured most of this territory. Since the start of the conflict, the budgets for defence and security have increased massively but there is little sign of the money reaching the frontline.

Operations in the north-east remain under-resourced and corruption is rife.

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Amnesty International documented 27 incidents of extrajudicial executions committed by the military in and At least 1, men and boys, almost certainly many more, were killed in these incidents. In 14 of these cases, Nigerian military forces, sometimes in collaboration with Civilian JTF members, executed a large number of people, at times dozens or even hundreds in one day.

The precise number of extrajudicial executions is impossible to verify due to the lack of records, cover-up efforts by the military, and the difficulty of reaching witnesses in the areas where the crimes were committed. Cases presented in this report provide documentation of extrajudicial executions in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states. Many were shot dead inside detention facilities, while others were either shot or had their throats cut after being captured during cordon-and-search operations.

One of the most horrific mass extrajudicial executions by the military happened on 14 March in Maiduguri, Borno state. In the aftermath of a Boko Haram attack on the military detention facility at Giwa barracks during which the detainees were released, the military killed at least men and boys, most of them recaptured detainees. In March , Amnesty International published a detailed report documenting the killings of at least people who had escaped from Giwa barracks. This report presents additional information about the extrajudicial execution of at least 18 other men on that day, including the analysis of videos showing some of the executions.


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In some cases, the bodies of executed detainees were returned to their families, usually dumped near the houses or on the outskirts of the villages. In other cases, the families were never officially informed of the deaths of their relatives and found out about the executions from released detainees or eyewitnesses. In many cases, they never found out at all.

Data collected by Amnesty International suggests that since March , more than 7, men and boys have died in detention, their deaths often unrecorded and almost never investigated. Amnesty International gathered the data and the details of individual cases through visits to mortuaries, internal military reports, statistics recorded by local human rights activists and interviews with witnesses, victims, former detainees, hospital staff, mortuary personnel and military sources.

The highest death rates were recorded in Giwa barracks in May, June and July , where up to deaths were recorded on some days. In June alone, more than 1, corpses were delivered from the barracks to one of the mortuaries in Maiduguri. Obtaining information on the precise number of deaths in custody became particularly challenging after August , when the military instructed the mortuaries in Maiduguri not to keep records, possibly in an effort to hide the high rate of deaths in detention.

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In addition, according to military sources and witnesses, not all of the bodies were taken from the barracks to mortuaries; some were buried by soldiers in mass graves. Based on eyewitness testimonies and analysis of video and photographic evidence, as well as information contained in military reports, Amnesty International believes that the main causes of deaths in detention were starvation, thirst, severe overcrowding that led to spread of diseases, torture and lack of medical attention, and the use of fumigation chemicals in unventilated cells.

Detention facilities in Giwa barracks and in military detention centres in Damaturu were extremely overcrowded, with hundreds of detainees packed into small cells. Former detainees told Amnesty International that they had to take turns sleeping or even sitting on the floor as there was absolutely no space in the cells.

They said they were given food once a day — a small amount of rice that would fit in their palms — and never received medical assistance, even for life-threatening conditions. Former detainees, human rights defenders, hospital staff and people who witnessed and recorded the removal and disposal of bodies all said that most of the bodies looked extremely thin and did not have gunshot wounds.

One witness told Amnesty International: A high ranking military officer told Amnesty International: Torture and lack of medical assistance for injuries caused by torture is another major cause of death in military detention. Torture in detention is rampant see below , and many former detainees who were tortured in detention told Amnesty International that no medical assistance was provided for even life-threatening injuries.

Saleh Jega not his real name , a year-old carpenter from Maiduguri, was arrested along with 18 others on 25 November during a cordon-and-search operation in Gwange, and taken to Giwa Barracks. He escaped after more than 15 months when Boko Haram attacked the barracks. He said that some days 50 or up to 80 people died, mainly of starvation and thirst.

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Out of the 19 he was arrested with, only four survived. Many people died in the cells. Any time we were denied water for two days, people died [in those two days]. Every day they died, and whenever someone died, we [the other detainees] were happy because of the extra space. And because we will be taken out, to take out the corpses, and the military will give us water to wash our hands and when washing our hands, we drink the water. In areas of Boko Haram activity, Nigerian troops, often with the support of Civilian JTF members, have arbitrarily arrested at least 20, people.

On numerous occasions, particularly following Boko Haram raids, soldiers have gone to the town or village, rounded up hundreds of men and boys and taken into custody those identified as Boko Haram by paid informants. Most of those arrested are young men, although Amnesty International has recorded arrests and detention of boys as young as nine years old. Amnesty International has also documented the arrest and detention of 30 women and girls. The number of arrests increased significantly following the imposition of a state of emergency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states.

According to military sources, between January and July , more than 4, people were arrested. The actual number is likely to be much higher as there is no proper, centralized system to record arrests carried out by the security forces. A few of those arrested were released shortly after, sometimes because their families had paid bribes; a small proportion have been prosecuted and tried; hundreds were executed and thousands died in detention; and the rest are held indefinitely in unauthorized and unacknowledged military detention, denied contact with lawyers or relatives, without formal charges, and without ever appearing in court.

A few suspects have also been transferred to military facilities in other states, or handed over to the Department of State Security DSS , mostly in Abuja. The vast majority of arrests carried out by the military appear to be entirely arbitrary, often based solely on the dubious word of an informant. Military sources repeatedly told Amnesty International that the informants are unreliable and often provide false information in order to get paid.

As a result of these screenings, some detainees were released, often after prolonged detention, but the process was completely random and arbitrary. While thousands have been arrested and held in detention, only a handful have faced trial: A Joint Investigation Team JIT set up by the military issued two reports showing that most cases against detainees were not ready for prosecution. The first report, issued in December , recommended that the military release suspects from military custody, prosecute , and further investigate In January , then President Jonathan ordered the release of suspects.

The second report, issued in August , recommended cases for prosecution and for release. Military sources told Amnesty International that these recommendations were not implemented. Amnesty International research suggests that many of the detainees have been subjected to enforced disappearances.

Amnesty International has received a list of names and pictures of more than 1, people arrested in Borno state since whose whereabouts, according to several sources and some relatives of the victims, remain unknown. Amnesty International has previously documented a widespread pattern of torture and ill- treatment in both police and military custody across Nigeria.

Former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International described a wide range of torture methods used by the military including: Information obtained by Amnesty International since the publication of that report shows that the pattern of torture in military custody in the north-east continues unabated. Those who gave orders or directly participated in the commission of these crimes should be investigated to establish their individual responsibility. Superior officers could also bear responsibility for violations committed by units under their command in accordance with the doctrine of command responsibility, even if they did not directly participate in or give orders to commit the violations, if they knew or should have known about the crimes and failed to prevent them or to submit the matter for prosecution.

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Amnesty International therefore calls for the investigation of those within chain of command of the military in Nigeria who either were directly responsible for the troops committing the crimes or who knew or should have known and took no steps to prevent or suppress the crimes. Specifically, military officers who ran the operations and were in charge of detention facilities in north-east Nigeria, as well as their commanders at the Army headquarters and Defence headquarters, should be investigated for responsibility for the war crimes of murder, enforced disappearance and torture.

Documentary evidence presented in this report clearly shows that the senior military leadership was fully informed by field commanders, investigative commissions, and external sources of the nature and scale of the crimes being committed and failed to take any meaningful measures to stop the violations.

As far as we are aware these officers have taken no steps to ensure that investigations are instituted, aimed at bringing the perpetrators to justice. From November to August in their daily field reports to Defence Headquarters, the General Officers Commanding GOCs of military detention facilities and commanders of operations reported the deaths of detainees.

Some of these reports contain the names of the detainees; others only referred to the number of detainees who died each day. Internal military documents cited in this report show also that field commanders informed Defence Headquarters that facilities were overstretched, and that overcrowding, combined with the use of chemicals for disinfection, contributed to the rise in deaths in custody.

The reports from these assessment visits mention the high death rate of detainees in military custody and warn that the overcrowding caused serious health problems and could lead to an epidemic. Internal military reports examined by Amnesty International also show that field commanders regularly informed Defence Headquarters and Army Headquarters how many people had been arrested during cordon-and-search operations.

The reports do not specify whether any of the detainees were later released, handed over for investigation or charged. This should have clearly indicated to the military command that these mass arrests were arbitrary and that the ongoing confinement of suspects in military detention facilities was unlawful. Amnesty International brought its findings and concerns to the attention of Nigerian military and civilian authorities in public reports and statements and private letters of inquiry, repeatedly calling for an independent and impartial investigation.

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