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Kim, Kourtney, and Khloé reign supreme as the doyennes of reality television, Despite its massive success, Queen Elizabeth reportedly shelved it at the end The Queen—by nature a private person, and one not drawn to.
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The sycophancy masked a covert reality, because editors had unleashed their reporters to hunt for skeletons in the Markle closet.

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In digging for dirt on her past they were delighted to come up with a motley collection of embarrassing relatives. Harry and Meghan would have understood that they would just have to grin and bear it. Nor should all the sins be laid at the doors of the press. Broadcasters have, as so often, followed an agenda set by newspapers. The unsubtle message: look at them and laugh.


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But there is another side to this story. Despite the intensity of the press interest in Markle, there has not been a return to anything like the intrusiveness of the s. That is entirely due to the way in which the royal family has dealt with the media in the post-Diana era. The princes have not attempted to conceal their disdain for newspapers.

Their antagonism may be understandable, given the treatment suffered by their mother, which culminated in the paparazzi pursuit that resulted in her death. Their hostility was further fed by the revelation that, during their teenage years, reporters were prepared to break the law to discover details of their private lives by hacking into the phones of their aides.

In the process, by calling the shots, they have redefined the relationship between the royal family and the media.

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Aggression has been met with aggression. The princes have taken legal action to protect their privacy and used Ipso, the press regulator, to restrain the activities of audacious reporters and photographers. If we think about how, as you say, the Windsors have tried to modernise through celebrity, and through the nexus of power that is the billionaire press, we also need to think about how, in parallel, the idea of celebrity has morphed: we can vote them in and out of the TV show, we can publicly shame them on Twitter: they are other, but they are also us.

The arrival of, first, Kate, and then, Meghan showed how 'ordinary people' can 'win' this lottery too: and be treated like any other reality TV contestants, with the usual disciplining for race, gender and class.

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This tapping of the energy of the crowd grants them vast power. But it also means they are no longer untouchable. Where once the Windsors sat at the apex of church and state, symbols of the nation at its foundation in and of the memory of imperial greatness, they are now enthroned at the peak of the reality-TV-billionaire-press-social-media-complex: a space where Donald Trump can build up his brand, but metoo can challenge the power of grotesque men. And so when Boris Johnson says that the Royal Family is "beyond reproach" — something he has to say for the elderly monarchist Tory voters — the audience gasps.

Because modern celebrity isn't about the worship of distant deities, but persuading us that we too could be famous one day, if only we're 'good' enough. And so when they aren't good, when they are caught up in paedophile and sex trafficking scandals, when they are the very opposite of good, and yet aren't torn down, the myth is ruptured.

The feral elite are exposed for what they are. Something is fracturing. The only escape from the fracturing turning into a shattering earthquake that will throw up a triumphant far-right is a republican revolution: a revolution that will have to upturn Labourism as much as Conservatism. I mean a contemporary, networked, digital, secular constitutional democracy. Constitutional not in the dry legal sense but in the passionate collective sense that we know the basic rules because they belong to us. How long will it take?

The Queen herself ensured a profound social transformation could happen after without the democratic revolution the country needed. It was two-sided, in other words. She was both an agent of conservatism and an enabler of change. The monarch and her advisors will surely try to reproduce this role to preserve themselves. But this time, it seems to me, something different may be taking place, symbolised by the instant defenestration of Prince Andrew.

The Monarchy, however strange this may seem, has prepared itself for the republican revolution better than the rest of the British state. I think I got this right in my short chapter on the monarchy in The Lure of Greatness, written immediately after the Brexit vote. Her challenge was major. Of course, it was a reactionary challenge as well as a popular one.

Meanwhile, alas, Blair absorbed the populist contagion that led him to Iraq and now us to Johnson.

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But something more important has happened. The question now is what happened to this power?

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Feral elite they may be. Exposed they surely are. But we want power. There is so much here and it is changing day to day with simple headlines about how can a mother sack her son. How can a royal stop being a royal It is not just a Republican idea — the slimmed down monarchy — it is this complete lack of interest in them that is a dangerous moment.

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They are actually appalling at negotiating the celebrity world that Adam describes. They are not there on merit or talent and the schism between Harry and William points to this, this representation between Harry and Meghan being too celebby and right on and show biz and William and Kate being more normal and dutiful and all that BUT innately boring. For me the two indicators that we were moving into a deeply conservative era were always Kate Middleton and Samantha Cameron held up as bland mute untroubling role models for women.

But that centre could not hold. It is in its way crumbling as Anthony said and anyone on the left should be bolder about it. Andrew's sordid doings reveal that the royals inhabit a world of oligarchs, that they operate a court not a corporation, that the values they are meant to embody personally are tossed aside for a contact, an arms deal, an affair. How on earth they represent the Church of England mystifies me. How they own so much of Wales and Scotland is another bone of contention, surely.


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Essentially the project of modernisation has failed. It has to fail because there are only so many impossible things one can believe before breakfast. Social mobility has stalled. There are some other private sources of income too, from undisclosed but substantial investment portfolios — shares, bonds and other property I guess.

Taxes are paid on a voluntary basis. The Sovereign Grant, by the way, is related to the value of Crown properties — belonging to the state and before the mid eighteenth century was regarded as the personal wealth of kings and queens. But if the value of the rents and incomes form the Crown Estate ever falls then the Grant does not index down with them. A bit of a one-way bet really. The distinction is a political convenience. My contention, then, is that the monarchy and the British state are in fact inextricably linked and that the properties, incomes and privileges enjoyed by the monarch and those around the sovereign are in fact there by consent of Parliament and People.

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That is the reality of the relationship between sovereign and sovereignty which, as the EU Referendum shows, firmly rests with the People , and it is time that the royal finances caught up with the democratisation of British society. Whatever the wealth amounts to, it is there as a function of the ruling dynasty being part of the fabric of the British state for 1, years with a brief Cromwellian interruption. I am no republican, so I only ask this question as a way of making the analysis clear: If the royal family were to be abolished, would the Windsors be allowed to hang on to the income and assets of their various duchies and investment portfolios?

Some of her predecessors were even less polite. We all need to ask what is the best use of those financial assets, and — most importantly — ensure that they are being spent in a way that is not offensive to the rest of the national family.

So the nation needs to be content with the income and lifestyle — and size — of the royal family. Maybe Jeremy Corbyn still believes that. What is required is to make those members of the royal family who do perform public duties properly salaried, with set holidays and expenses the same as any other public servants. The royal family, then, needs to nationalised. After that they can live undeniably lavish and comfortable lifestyles, with no financial concerns, though I admit that the kind of press intrusion they have to suffer has to end, as the death of Diana reminds us.

Maybe I am a bit ahead of things here. After that awkward time back in , the Queen has stabilised the institution and it has made a long march back to assured popularity. Today, of all days, fawning and sycophancy are much more in evidence than militant republicanism — but that consent, as we have seen before, can be a fragile thing. I share the enthusiasm for a constitutional monarchy. In her constitutionally near-flawless way, the Queen has recognised that she reigns solely by consent and the institution she has lead so skilfully since , in times so changed and changing still, has to adapt and indeed bow to public expectations.

The new prince or princess will be growing up in a Britain where attitudes to inequality of opportunity and wealth are hardening rapidly. It would be a tragedy if that political feeling was to damage the institution of the monarchy, which is actually a valuable one and has mostly served the country well. I happen to like the fact it has been around for a long time and offers continuity; that is in itself a political and economic asset, and a valuable one, when set against the kind of upheavals that have happened in almost every other European state.

That, around the world, has usually been a prompt to get rid of the whole thing. A dedicated monarchist ought to recognise that.