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You just have to be patient. And being able to break through in the African American community is difficult because of the enormous loyalty that people feel towards anybody who has been around awhile. There was no one around to compete for loyalty when Obama ran for Senate in , or for president in He was no longer competing against other African Americans; he was representing them. Obama ran for the Senate two decades after the death of Harold Washington. Axelrod checked in on the precinct where Washington had been so loudly booed by white Chicagoans. Obama believes that his statewide victory for the Illinois Senate seat held particular portent for the events of Illinois effectively allowed Obama to play a scrimmage before the big national game in And so part of the reason I was willing to run [for president in ] was that I had had two years in which we were generating enormous crowds all across the country—and the majority of those crowds were not African American; and they were in pretty remote places, or unlikely places.

So what that told me was, it was possible.

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What those crowds saw was a black candidate unlike any other before him. For most African Americans, white people exist either as a direct or an indirect force for bad in their lives. Biraciality is no shield against this; often it just intensifies the problem.

What proved key for Barack Obama was not that he was born to a black man and a white woman, but that his white family approved of the union, and approved of the child who came from it. They did this in —a time when sex between black men and white women, in large swaths of the country, was not just illegal but fraught with mortal danger. The first white people he ever knew, the ones who raised him, were decent in a way that very few black people of that era experienced.

And he was like a blue-black brother. And so, yeah, I will always give my grandparents credit for that. In this, the first lady is more representative of black America than her husband is. African Americans typically raise their children to protect themselves against a presumed hostility from white teachers, white police officers, white supervisors, and white co-workers.

But that willingness to help is also a defense, produced by decades of discrimination. Obama sees race through a different lens, Kaye Wilson told me. He needs that frame of reference. He needs that lens. Or Al Sharpton.

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Different lens. What Obama was able to offer white America is something very few African Americans could—trust. The vast majority of us are, necessarily, too crippled by our defenses to ever consider such a proposition. But Obama, through a mixture of ancestral connections and distance from the poisons of Jim Crow, can credibly and sincerely trust the majority population of this country.

That trust is reinforced, not contradicted, by his blackness. That, too, is defensive, and deep down, I suspect, white people know it. Four days earlier, The Washington Post had published an old audio clip that featured Donald Trump lamenting a failed sexual conquest and exhorting the virtues of sexual assault. As we flew to North Carolina, the president was in a state of bemused disbelief. A feeling of cautious inevitability emanated from his staff, and why not?

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He had likely not paid taxes in 18 years. He had been denounced by leadership in his own party, and the trickle of prominent Republicans—both in and out of office—who had publicly repudiated him threatened to become a geyser. At this moment, the idea that a campaign so saturated in open bigotry, misogyny, chaos, and possible corruption could win a national election was ludicrous. This was America. It is a quintessentially Obama program—conservative in scope, with impacts that are measurable. But what are we going to do? They told stories of being in the street, of choosing quick money over school, of their homes being shot up, and—through the help of mentoring or job programs brokered by MBK—transitioning into college or a job.

Obama listened solemnly and empathetically to each of them. When he asked the young men whether they had a message he should take back to policy makers in Washington, D. He was correct. The ghettos of America are the direct result of decades of public-policy decisions: the redlining of real-estate zoning maps, the expanded authority given to prosecutors, the increased funding given to prisons. And all of this was done on the backs of people still reeling from the year legacy of slavery.

The results of this negative investment are clear—African Americans rank at the bottom of nearly every major socioeconomic measure in the country. Blacks disproportionately benefit from this effort, since they are disproportionately in need. Its full benefit has yet to be felt by African Americans, because several states in the South have declined to expand Medicaid.

Obama also emphasized the need for a strong Justice Department with a deep commitment to nondiscrimination. And what the [George W. Holder is certainly blunter, and this worried some of the White House staff. But positioning the two men as opposites elides an important fact: Holder was appointed by the president, and went only as far as the president allowed.

I asked Holder whether he had toned down his rhetoric after that controversial speech. He is the Zen guy. But he and I share a worldview, you know? Obama would deliver this lecture to any black audience, regardless of context. This part of the Obama formula is the most troubling, and least thought-out. This judgment emerges from my own biography.

I am the product of black parents who encouraged me to read, of black teachers who felt my work ethic did not match my potential, of black college professors who taught me intellectual rigor. And they did this in a world that every day insulted their humanity. It was not so much that the black layabouts and deadbeats Obama invoked in his speeches were unrecognizable. I had seen those people too. If black men were overrepresented among drug dealers and absentee dads of the world, it was directly related to their being underrepresented among the Bernie Madoffs and Kenneth Lays of the world.

Power was what mattered, and what characterized the differences between black and white America was not a difference in work ethic, but a system engineered to place one on top of the other.

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For instance, the unemployment rate among black college graduates 4. But that college degree is generally purchased at a higher price by blacks than by whites.


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This is both the result and the perpetuator of a sprawling wealth gap between the races. Obama had been on the record as opposing reparations. But now, late in his presidency, he seemed more open to the idea—in theory, at least, if not in practice. The political problems with turning the argument for reparations into reality are manifold, Obama said.

But the progress toward nondiscrimination did not appear overnight. It was achieved by people willing to make an unpopular argument and live on the frontier of public opinion. Obama is unfailingly optimistic about the empathy and capabilities of the American people. But Obama is almost constitutionally skeptical of those who seek to achieve change outside that consensus. Early in , Obama invited a group of African American leaders to meet with him at the White House.

When some of the activists affiliated with Black Lives Matter refused to attend, Obama began calling them out in speeches. You then have a responsibility to prepare an agenda that is achievable—that can institutionalize the changes you seek—and to engage the other side. Opal Tometi, a Nigerian American community activist who is one of the three founders of Black Lives Matter, explained to me that the group has a more diffuse structure than most civil-rights organizations.

One reason for this is to avoid the cult of personality that has plagued black organizations in the past. Tometi noted that some other activists allied with Black Lives Matter had been planning to attend the meeting, so they felt their views would be represented. When I asked Obama about this perspective, he fluctuated between understanding where the activists were coming from and being hurt by such brush-offs. And that sort of lack of awareness on the part of an activist about the constraints of our political system and the constraints on this office, I think, sometimes would leave me to mutter under my breath.

Very rarely did I lose it publicly. I get that.

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And I think it is important. Obama himself was an activist and a community organizer, albeit for only two years—but he is not, by temperament, a protester. He is a consensus-builder; consensus, he believes, ultimately drives what gets done. He understands the emotional power of protest, the need to vent before authority—but that kind of approach does not come naturally to him. Obama saw—at least at that moment, before the election of Donald Trump—a straight path to that world. Now, are we going to have suddenly the same number of CEOs, billionaires, etc.

In 10 years? Probably not, maybe not even in 20 years.

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I feel pretty good about our odds in that situation. The programs Obama favored would advance white America too—and without a specific commitment to equality, there is no guarantee that the programs would eschew discrimination. My own history tells me something different.