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There, Riel excelled in Latin, Greek, French, mathematics and the sciences. At age 19, he was studying the philosophers, writing poetry and considering a career in the priesthood. After the death of his father in , however, Riel became moody, intolerant of criticism and somewhat disoriented as to what direction his life should take.
While the demands were being negotiated with Ottawa, Riel called a convention to establish a provisional government. At age 25, Riel did a remarkably competent job of keeping the peace in the Red River territory in spite of continued threats from the Canada Firsters. When Wolseley arrived at Fort Garry on August 24, Riel was not on hand to personally relinquish his office. A white friend, James Stewart, had warned him that he would be in mortal danger at the hands of Canada Firsters who had elevated the late, loutish Thomas Scott to martyr status.
As the soldiers approached, Riel fled to the United States. Living mainly on the charity of friends and relatives, Riel became increasingly subject to mystical visions. The most significant came in December , while he was visiting Mount Vernon, Va. There, Riel claimed that God had spoken to him in the form of a burning bush, commanding him to revive the Catholic Church by shifting its power base from Rome to the New World. On March 16, , they became U.
There, they and their Indian cousins faced the next inevitable white encroachment with increased bitterness and hostility. The years of marked a winter of Indian discontent. Their land had been taken from them, the buffalo all but exterminated and they themselves were mainly confined to reservations. The government had pledged to see to their needs, but a recession in left it low on funds, and among the first budget cuts were rations for the non-voting Indians.
Under the homestead law, the government regarded all Canadian land as Crown property until the individual registered his holdings and applied for a patent or deed. The process would take as long as three years, and the government was equally slow in surveying the land. He and his companions had ridden nearly miles from the Saskatchewan Valley to formally enlist Riel in their cause. After much consideration, Riel agreed and, on June 27, he set out by cart with his wife and children.
He also supervised the drafting of a new bill of rights, demanding provincial representation in Parliament, entitlement to existing riverfront lands with additional land concessions to the original settlers, reduction in tariffs, more liberal settlements of Indian claims and a new railroad to link Saskatchewan to ports on Hudson Bay. Although Prime Minister John Macdonald acknowledged receipt of the petition on January 27, , he did nothing more, maintaining that Parliament was discussing the matter. Orgnaizing cavalry, Dumont cut the telegraph line to Batoche, ransacked government stores and seized several hostages.
Joining Crozier were 41 volunteers, a 7-pounder cannon and 20 horse-drawn sleighs. Drawing his revolver, McKay fired at the Indian. His bullet missed Assiyiwin, but struck Isodore Dumont fatally in the head. One volunteer reported firing at caps and Indian headdresses, only to discover that they were propped on sticks while their owners were sniping at him from somewhere else. A seemingly deserted cabin came alive with sharpshooters. After half an hour, Crozier ordered a retreat. The guilty verdict concerns an occasion on which these values should have received expression but did not.
If he is a sane man, what humiliation have we passed upon that man, we his counsel endeavoring, despite his orders, despite his desire, despite his instruc- tions, to make him out a fool. One explains oneself away as a rational being. Rather, it delegitimates them. Conceding mental illness concedes an inability fully to participate in human life. Here I have to defend myself against the accusation of high treason, or I have to consent to the ani- mal life of an asylum.
Moreover, a finding of insanity would also cast the legitimacy of his role in the North-West Resistance in doubt.
Revolt of the Métis
Thus his justifications for resistance come under doubt and potentially lose their legitimacy. I suppose that after having been condemned, I will cease to be called a fool, and for me, it is a great advantage If I have a mission I cannot fulfil my mission as long as I am looked upon as an insane being. They also formed the basis for his sub- sequent argument that it was Ottawa, not him, that lacked responsi- bility in its actions in the North-West.
That fact would indicate an absolute lack of responsibility, and therefore insanity coupled with paralysis. For Riel, such slippage can be read through the idea of legal insanity, but the form of responsible behaviour by which he is seeking to justify his actions cannot be delimited by this idea: If you take the plea of the defence that I am not responsible for my acts, acquit me completely since I have been quarrelling with an insane and irresponsible Government.
If you pronounce in favour of the Crown, which contends that I am responsible, acquit me all the same.
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You are perfectly justified in declaring that hav- ing my reason and sound mind, I have acted reasonably and in self-defence, while the Government, my accuser, being irrespon- sible, and consequently insane, cannot but have acted wrong, and if high treason there is, it must be on its side and not on my part. On the one hand, if the jury finds Riel to be without legal capacity, and thus not responsible for his actions, he should be acquitted.
Riel consequently finds that even if he is determined to be legally insane, since the government remains similarly incompetent, such a finding does not necessarily undermine the aims of the resistance. Riel argues that he responded reasonably to an institution that had so failed to perform its function that it had, seemingly paradoxically, itself committed an act of insanity and high treason.
It enables Riel to depict his actions not only as sane but also as a respon- sible answer to neglect, as well as to suggest that in his self-represen- tation, we might find a new, and sane, model for governance in the North-West Territories. Referencing conceptions of idealized British civilization and constitutional law as standards that the Dominion has failed to meet in its treatment of the North-West Territories, Riel invokes the empire in his own actions, justifying the resistance and his role in it as upholding an imperial standard that Canada has other- wise failed to maintain.
He also, simul- taneously, argues that the government failed to promulgate appropri- ate British conceptions of law and civilization. The Dominion would seem to be both without responsibility and irresponsible: whether by negligence or misdeed, it has failed by its actions and through its inac- tions to fulfil the very task that it exists to fulfil, that of caring for and representing the inhabitants of the North-West Territories.
If anything, multiculturalism was actively resisted in the late 19th century and the first third of the 20th. It was only embraced in the last few decades. Hundreds of thousands of immigrants were actively encouraged to come to Western Canada and turn pioneer homesteads into commercial farms.
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Canada advertised in continental Europe and so-called non-traditional sources of immigrants, like the Austro-Hungarian Empire which included Ukraine at the time. The response was overwhelming. People came for the promise of better lives and greater opportunity. So many immigrants were pouring into Western Canada in the early twentieth century that the federal government stepped outside the normal census cycle and sponsored a special census of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta in Even with all these new immigrants coming to Saskatchewan, the settlement of the province was not some deliberate attempt to create a multicultural province.
Saskatchewan did not want immigrants of colour and did whatever it could to limit their presence in the province and limit their interaction with the dominant Anglo-Canadian society. The Saskatchewan government also expected immigrants from continental Europe to accept and embrace the ways and traditions of their new country. They were to leave their cultural identity behind at the border, like unwanted baggage, and rapidly integrate into the dominant Anglo-Canadian way of life. Settlement and assimilation went hand-in-hand.
Even then, non-Anglo-Canadians immigrants were never really welcome.
They may have made good farmers, but would they make good citizens with their unpronounceable last names, pauper-like appearance, strange customs and different religious beliefs? Central Europeans at the time were popularly associated with poverty, crime, ignorance and immorality. Others questioned whether the integration of continental European immigrants into the larger society was even possible, let alone desirable.
By the s, public debate centred around the growing ethnic diversity of Saskatchewan society and the need to end the kind of immigration that made Saskatchewan the third most populous province in Canada. Future Saskatchewan premier J. Oliver, the first historian appointed at the University of Saskatchewan, reviewed the contribution of continental Europeans to Saskatchewan society in a paper read before the Royal Society of Canada in May Some of them possess rare genius.
What Oliver and other commentators did not appreciate was that there were poets, thinkers, and musicians among the people who decided to make the province their home, but they faced outright prejudice and limited opportunity. Then, after the Second World War, few of the new immigrants chose to make Saskatchewan their home. This negligible immigration rate, combined with out-migration from the province beginning in the mids, changed the demographic character of Saskatchewan.
Under the Cover: Louis Riel | All Lit Up
In the post-war world, immigrant children and their children were widely accepted as part of Saskatchewan society. It also represents the distance the province has come in embracing non-British immigrants as part of its identity. That these Canadians of Ukrainian descent would serve in these capacities would have been unthinkable at the start of the twentieth century.
They are criticized for dressing differently, for worshipping differently, for having strange cultural traditions, for having too many children, for owing their allegiances elsewhere, and on and on. The immigrants, accompanied by their extended family, friends and sponsors, often arrive in their best clothes for the ceremony. They smile happily, waving Canadian flags and displaying their citizenship certificates as they are photographed alongside the attending Mountie in his red serge dress uniform.
I come away from the ceremony proud to be a Canadian and proud that Canada has been so welcoming to these people. Candidates have to pass a citizenship knowledge test, demonstrate proficiency in French or English and live in Canada for three of the past five years. I wish those who speak out against allowing non-white and non-Christian peoples into the country could attend one of these ceremonies and learn why these new citizens have worked so hard to make Canada their new home.
I wish they could speak to sponsors who have helped immigrants make the transition to life in Canada. This article originally appeared as a CBC Opinion piece. Seventy-five years ago this week, Canadians were on the verge of helping win the Battle of Normandy. Canadian forces sustained nearly 20, casualties dead and wounded , including 5, killed, during the fight to end the Nazi occupation of northwest France. The death rate was 65 men per day over 77 days.
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These and other battles that brought an end to the Second World War in Europe are largely forgotten, if even known. But the breaching of German defences along the coast had to be matched by victories inland if D-Day was going to be a turning point in the war. My father Ted took part in one of those battles in August Like many Canadian soldiers, he was lucky to have survived. Born in to immigrant parents in Glennella, Man. Ted left school after Grade 8 and worked as a hired hand in the district. When depression and drought crippled the farm economy in the early s, he took to the rails and joined hundreds of other single men criss-crossing Western Canada in search of work.
He spent the winter of in the Hope relief camp in British Columbia.