Latino Students in American Schools: Historical and Contemporary Views

Latino Students in American Schools: Historical and Contemporary Views by Kloosterman Valentina () Hardcover [Kloosterman Valentina] on.
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As table 1 shows, analyses of the nationally representative National Education Longitudinal Study NELS reveal that adolescents with immigrant parents typically outperform those with U. A study by Grace Kao reported that this pattern held in most regional and national origin groups in NELS, although evidence of the immigrant advantage was stronger and more consistent across subjects for youth from Asian immigrant families than for youth from Latin American especially Mexican immigrant families.

Indeed, the children of Asian immigrants often outperformed all other student populations on standardized tests in secondary school, including the children of native whites. Again, these patterns tend to be somewhat stronger and more consistent for youth from Asian immigrant families. Scores calculated based on multilevel modeling coefficients, weighted and adjusted for design effects.

First, because cultural ties tend to weaken, and economic security tends to grow, as immigrant families and children remain longer in the United States, analysts have debated whether the immigrant paradox is stronger among U. Yet, the direction and size of generational and timing effects varies a great deal by group. In the aforementioned Kao analysis, for example, second-generation Asians and Latinos typically outdid first- and third-plus-generation youth of their same ethnic background on math tests, but first-generation whites and blacks did better than later-generation youth of their same ethnic background.

These patterns were not always the same, however, for other academic indicators, such as reading tests and grades. Because of this variability among immigrant groups, definitive answers about which generation best illustrates the immigrant paradox remain elusive. Second, the immigrant paradox is not solely a product of differences in socioeconomic status. In fact, accounting for socioeconomic status—that is, limiting the comparison to youth of similar status—can strengthen evidence of the paradox in many groups.

Indeed, test score differences of first- and third-plus-generation youth in table 1 increased when socioeconomic status was controlled. As already mentioned, youth from Asian immigrant families tend to have more socioeconomic resources, such as parent education, than youth from other immigrant families. Thus, socioeconomic status can explain some portion of their apparent academic advantage, although not all of it. Third, the immigrant paradox is stronger for boys than girls. As just one example, the difference between first- and third-plus- generation youth on middle school math tests in table 1 equaled 5 percent of a standard deviation for girls but 20 percent of a standard deviation for boys.

Researchers cannot yet explain the source of this gendered pattern, but it may be related to and may fuel the higher educational attainment of girls than boys in the general population. Research has found that some factors operate differently across immigrant groups and that some seemingly relevant factors, such as school context, self-esteem, and peer influences, have, in fact, limited explanatory power. Research examining the educational outcomes of immigrants in secondary school is dominated by studies of their post-migration circumstances.

Whether children of immigrants use their native language as well as English is a prime topic. Evidence suggests that mastering both a native language and English gives adolescents access to an array of community and institutional networks. When youth are connected to adults and families are connected to each other, youth may be less oriented to potentially negative peer influences. Overall, strong family ties and parental attachment and support are resources for immigrant youth, providing the security and assistance they need to meet the challenges of school.

In particular, researchers have examined parental involvement in education. In part because of language barriers, immigrant parents tend to engage less in the kinds of involvement, such as joining parent-teacher organizations, that are visible to schools and measurable in quantitative data sets.

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For example, Asian immigrant parents, including those with little income, generally have high educational expectations for their children, talk to them often about their progress toward their expectations, find ways to marshal supplemental resources to help them, such as by sending them to Chinese schools after school, on weekends, and during school breaks, and make concrete plans for the future, such as by saving for college. Although less pronounced, something similar occurs with Latin American immigrant parents, for whom the crucial component of their involvement in education is to prepare young people to be conscientious and responsible and to work hard.

For example, much has been made of the possibility that some immigrant youth, especially youth from Latin America, will be exposed to negative peer influences that discourage achievement. Such peer influences, however, do not seem unique to immigrant groups and exist more generally across the adolescent population.

Yet they tend to do better in school. Partly as a result of high rates of Latino school segregation, adolescents from Latin American immigrant families tend to be concentrated in problematic schools, such as those characterized by more conflict, weaker academic norms, weaker ties between students and adults, and larger class sizes. Although these school disadvantages pose academic risks that could impair academic performance, such risks seem to affect these immigrant youth less than students with native-born parents, suggesting that they may be more resilient in problematic schools than their peers.

Furthermore, this pattern of school disadvantage does not extend to adolescents from Asian immigrant families, most likely because of the greater socioeconomic resources in the Asian immigrant population. Similarly, immigrants tend to live in neighborhoods characterized by a diverse array of social and economic disadvantages, including segregation.

On one hand, a New York study found that regardless of family nativity, African American and Latino households with children lived in more disadvantaged neighborhoods than immigrant or nonimmigrant white households with children, suggesting that the neighborhood disadvantages of immigrants are likely attributable to race and ethnicity. Certainly, neighborhood disadvantage has been linked to educational outcomes, but this link has rarely been explored with a focus on immigrants.

Moreover, research has generally not implicated neighborhood disadvantages in immigration-related educational patterns. Indeed, one study suggests that a commonly cited neighborhood disadvantage of immigrants—residential segregation—may not be problematic if it means that youth are embedded in enclave communities with strong intergenerational networks.

Disadvantage should reduce the academic performance of immigrants, not increase it. At the same time, some neighborhood characteristics that appear to be disadvantages may in reality mask neighborhood advantages that could explain the immigrant paradox. Some emphasize immigrant selectivity—as noted, the degree to which pre-migration circumstances affect the likelihood of migration in ways that create advantages or disadvantages for immigrants in the new country.

One type of selectivity concerns the extent to which immigrants are more or less educated than their nonimmigrant counterparts left behind in their country of origin. Cynthia Feliciano has reported that for all but one Puerto Rico of thirty-two countries and territories, immigrants to the United States were more educated than their peers who remained in their country of origin. In turn, such educational selection of immigrants was associated with the educational attainment of their children in the United States. For example, political stability, but not economic development, in the country of origin is associated with the math performance of the children of immigrants in host Western countries.

In general, these studies suggest that some pre-migration conditions help to explain educational variation among immigrants. Most studies, however, rely on country-level data, so the pre-migration histories of immigrant families are proxied by the general characteristics of their home countries or of the migration stream from those countries. Yet aggregate measures, such as educational attainment in a country and average educational attainment of migrants from a country, might subsume a great deal of variability in educational attainment across regions or social strata in that country and not accurately tap the pre-migration characteristics of immigrants.

One study shows variation within the home country by finding that Mexican-origin high school students in the United States who had received some schooling in Mexico reported higher grades than those who had received none. Overall, the study of pre-migration conditions is promising, but more work is needed to determine how much of the immigrant paradox is a function of what occurred before immigration rather than of what immigrants do once in the United States. The very act of migrating from one country to another likely is a shock sufficiently large to affect the educational outcomes of immigrants and thus the immigrant paradox.

Studying this issue is challenging because it is hard to compare migrants with nonmigrants who, by definition, not only do not experience a move but also do not experience the schools of the destination country. Indeed, data from New York show that school transfer is among the biggest academic risks faced by immigrants. One type of school move is the transition between school levels. The transition from middle to high school, for example, contributes to racial and ethnic, as well as socioeconomic, disparities in academic indicators because the experience tends to be more disruptive in more marginalized groups.

But analysts rarely explore this transition in relation to immigration. One NELS analysis reveals that discrepancies between middle school performance and high school course placement—specifically, being placed in high school courses at a level below what middle school performance suggests would be appropriate—were greater for students learning English than for others. Future work on generational, national-origin, linguistic, and socioeconomic differences in the connection between immigration and secondary schooling should address not only the data limitations already noted but also other data issues.

For example, large-scale data sets often omit school dropouts and nonenrollees. Yet youth from many immigrant groups, such as Mexicans, have dropout rates higher than the general population, and some youth who come to the United States as teenagers may not enroll in school at all. New data sets should track students, dropouts, and nonenrollees together and sample students with a range of language proficiencies, especially on the national level.

In addition, many studies of immigrants in secondary school use data from large metropolitan areas, which have especially sizable and diverse immigrant populations.

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The need to do so has only been magnified by the unprecedented immigrant dispersal, which has had profound impacts on schools. These data issues aside, research on immigrants in secondary school does suggest an immigrant advantage arising from some mixture of pre- and post-migration conditions. The extent of this advantage, however, varies across segments of the immigrant population, with those from Asian countries the most advantaged and those from Latin American countries the least advantaged.

This variation likely reflects mechanisms that differ across each group or that function differently for each group. For Latin American immigrants, the mechanisms that seem to hold the most promise for explaining the immigrant paradox include strong family and community ties that protect from potentially negative peer orientations and support resilience within disadvantaged schools and neighborhoods. In both cases, immigrant selectivity is also likely a key factor, although in different ways.

Asian immigrants tend to be of higher socioeconomic status than other immigrants in the United States or others from their home countries. The same is not true of Latin American immigrants, but they might be selective in other ways—in terms of motivation, efficacy, health, or other qualities—that do contribute to the immigrant paradox.

Despite years of research on the immigrant paradox, however, group-specific mechanisms are still not well understood and need to be studied more closely. As noted, research on immigrant youth in secondary school dwarfs that on elementary school. This lack of balance is problematic for several reasons. First, the greater returns to investment in early education compared with later stages of schooling make elementary school, especially the primary grades, a critical point of intervention.

Thus, the relative lack of interest in elementary school means that researchers have not paid enough attention to what may be a key period for immigrants.

Latino Students in American Schools

As we explain shortly, elementary school data do have limitations, but their improvement on immigration bias is a clear strength. Fourth, given the cumulative nature of instruction and learning, a fuller understanding of secondary school patterns can be achieved by examining their potential origins in elementary school. One reason for this imbalance in scholarly attention is undoubtedly data availability.

Although national data collections on secondary education are common, those on elementary education were, until recently, either nonexistent or poorly suited to studying children from immigrant families. State and local studies have followed immigrant children in elementary school, but these samples often lack within-group racial and ethnic, socioeconomic, and geographic heterogeneity.

Specifically, immigrant advantages seem to be weaker, at least at the very start of elementary school. Below, we discuss this evidence of and explanations for this weaker immigrant advantage in elementary school.

One important focus for researchers examining the school performance of young immigrant children is school readiness—the degree to which very young children are prepared to actively and independently meet the academic and social demands of school. Notable disparities in school readiness exist among young immigrant children. Children of Latin American immigrants, for example, tend to have lower levels of school readiness than other groups of immigrant and nonimmigrant children. On average, their measured school readiness was similar to or better than that of the children of native-born whites in ECLS-K.

The children of black immigrants, whether from Africa, the West Indies, or other regions, fell somewhere between these two other larger segments of the immigrant population. Comparing youth of similar socioeconomic status reduces but does not eliminate these disparities in school readiness. Although many children from immigrant families are at risk in terms of academic skills on entering school, they have potentially counterbalancing advantages in socioemotional school readiness, such as interpersonal competence. Although children of Mexican immigrants scored lower on math tests in kindergarten than children of native-born whites, teachers rated their work habits as being 10 percent of a standard deviation higher than those of native white peers of similar socioeconomic status.

Generally speaking, educational research shows that deficiencies in school readiness lead to poorer educational outcomes. Inadequate entry-level skills influence class placements and teacher and peer expectations that then affect subsequent skill development, which then affects future placements, and so on. Although the children of Latin American immigrants often enter school with less developed academic skills, they make up ground over time.

This pattern among East Asians could reflect ceiling effects in testing or the fact that they have less to gain in the early years of school that concentrate instruction on foundational skills they already have. Notably, the children of Southeast Asian immigrants tend to be more similar to the children of Latin American immigrants.

In this figure, third-plus-generation whites are the reference group for comparison. As such, their predicted test score is represented by the vertical line in the middle of the figure. Bars extending to the right for example, Western European immigrants indicate test scores greater than third-plus-generation whites, and bars extending to the left for example, Caribbean-origin immigrants indicate test scores lower than third-plus-generation whites. Scoring lowest was a collection of mostly nonimmigrant groups for example, third-plus-generation blacks and American Indians along with the children of Caribbean immigrants.


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Children from Mexican immigrant families tended to score roughly the same as many other Hispanic groups, both immigrant and nonimmigrant. Thus, these children caught up to, and possibly even surpassed, their third-plus-generation Mexican American peers of similar socioeconomic status. Children with South or Central American or Cuban immigrant parents scored on par with third-plus-generation whites. Finally, a diverse set of immigrant groups—Chinese, East Asian, Vietnamese, European—scored at the high end, outperforming third-plus-generation white and Asian American children of similar starting points and socioeconomic status.

Although black and Hispanic groups generally cluster on the left side of this figure and white and Asian groups generally on the right, there are deviations in this pattern. Moreover, children of immigrants generally outperformed their peers of the same race and ethnicity with U.

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This evidence of a within-race and ethnic group immigrant advantage, however, emerged primarily after socioeconomic status and language proficiency were taken into account. Although this analysis gives a comprehensive accounting of the early educational patterns of many different groups at the same time, it does not say much about the mechanisms underlying group differences.

We discuss those mechanisms shortly. After young children of immigrants enter school, therefore, many academic risks appear to decrease. Indeed, in some cases, their disadvantage may even become an advantage. Furthermore, the socioemotional advantages demonstrated by many immigrant groups at school entry are stable or even widen over time. Thus some combination of the way different kinds of parents select into migration to the United States and the racial and ethnic stratification of socioeconomic opportunities in the United States produces observed differences between immigrant and nonimmigrant children.

Importantly, however, socioeconomic status is not the sole factor at work in immigration-related disparities in elementary education. As with secondary school students, the high level of school transitions and segregation of Latin American immigrants tends to coexist with many elementary school disadvantages, including teacher turnover and disorganized curricula, but such disadvantages account for only a small portion of observed academic disparities. For the most part, school factors have a bigger impact on educational disparities in later stages of schooling than in early stages, given the relative lack of exposure to school factors in the early stages.

In recent years, increasing attention has been paid to differences in preschool attendance and early child-care use between immigrant and nonimmigrant groups. The article in this issue by Lynn Karoly and Gabriella Gonzalez covers this topic in detail, but the bottom line is that immigrant children tend to have less exposure to preschool and center care than the children of U.

As noted, the children of Chinese immigrants tend to start school with well-developed academic skills but do not demonstrate higher rates of gains in the early years of elementary school than children from other immigrant groups. The possibility that the mismatch between chiao shun parenting and elementary schools could contribute to this pattern needs to be explored. Other factors are also clearly at work. For example, the health disparities between the children of Latin American immigrants and their peers in early childhood—the former tend to have more physical health problems —appear to contribute to differences in school readiness, interfering as they do with learning activities and preschool and school attendance.

In general, the empirical evidence suggests that immigrant youth are doing well in school. The children of Latin American immigrants seem to be one segment of the immigrant population who may be at heightened academic risk. As a result, policy and programs targeting immigrants have generally focused on compensatory efforts aimed at Latinos. The evidence base, however, does not clearly point to immigrant status per se as the driving force behind this risk. Socioeconomic status is important, as is language proficiency. The Latin American immigrant population is one group in which these factors come together, with the added effects of ethnic discrimination against Latinos and the rising anti-immigrant sentiment that focuses on Latinos specifically.

Thus, targeting this population is one way for policy makers to address numerous kinds of educational disparities. Moreover, given the many community and family strengths of Latin American immigrants, this population has potential to respond positively to interventions targeting these related disparities.

One policy effort specifically about immigrant status includes laws targeting the education of children who are undocumented or have undocumented parents about 7 percent of the U. Beginning in , public school districts in that state were allowed to charge tuition to undocumented students. The majority of districts, including the largest Houston , indicated they might pursue this possibility, although few did so in the end. Supreme Court in in Plyler v. Doe, debate turned to whether undocumented students of college age should be admitted to college, establish residency, and pay in-state tuition.

For example, several states, including Texas, have passed tuition eligibility requirements allowing undocumented students to pay in-state tuition. Such policies appear to be boosting the college enrollment of foreign-born noncitizen Latinos who are the most likely to be undocumented. It has not yet been passed by Congress.

It would, if approved, allow undocumented college students who entered the United States before the age of sixteen, lived continuously in the United States for at least five years, and completed two years of college or military service to begin the process of legalization.

It would also protect from deportation students over the age of twelve who have not yet graduated from high school. The college-going of immigrant youth is an issue that extends beyond the undocumented. As detailed in the article in this volume by Sandy Baum and Stella Flores, some immigrant groups, such as the children of Latin American immigrants, lag behind the general population in college enrollment and graduation.

For example, high-level coursework in high school, such as Advanced Placement courses and calculus, improves standardized test performance, makes students more attractive to colleges, and decreases the likelihood of remediation in college. Thus, efforts by policy makers to promote college-going among immigrant youth must focus on coursework as well as on other areas of college preparation that require inside knowledge, such as knowing how to apply for aid.

Publicly supported educational interventions, such as Upward Bound on the federal level, aim to improve academic prepared-ness through supplemental instruction and to remedy gaps in instrumental resources, such as practical knowledge and guidance about the curricular and extracurricular steps necessary to getting into college, by matching youth from at-risk groups with college-educated mentors.

A number of community-based programs are tailored to Latino youth by, for example, drawing mentors from the Latino community and encouraging supplemental coursework emphasizing Latino culture. For example, Latin American immigrant parents often have little experience in U. In addition, cultural values and strong intergenerational ties seem to discourage Latino youth from moving away from home to attend college, thus working somewhat counter to the policy goal of promoting college-going.

Another policy issue concerns parental involvement in education. Because a lack of contact between immigrant families and schools might contribute to immigrant risks and undercut immigrant advantages, efforts to open dialogue between the two could be valuable. Such programs typically seek to demystify the American educational process and help parents become home teachers for their children and learn how to communicate with school personnel. Social and behavioral research on education over the past twenty years has revealed that educational disparities vary across the immigrant population.

In general, evidence points to an immigrant advantage in many indicators of academic progress and educational attainment. This apparent advantage, however, is more pronounced among the children of Asian and African immigrants than other groups. It is also more consistent in secondary school than in elementary school, at least early in elementary school, which could reflect disparities in early childhood education and cognitive development as well as potential immigration-related sampling biases in secondary school education.

Moreover, for some groups, it is often observed only after family socioeconomic circumstances and language use are controlled. For others, it is at least partially explained by the socioeconomic selectivity of immigration. In view of these findings, researchers have replaced the traditional linear model of assimilation with a model that recognizes a more complex mix of immigrant advantages and risks and that stresses the socioeconomic, racial and ethnic, and other disparities that are related to immigrant status and could produce different patterns across diverse segments of the immigrant population.

Moreover, policy action tends to focus on the subset of immigrants who seem to be more at risk, especially young children of Latin American immigrants, because of the clustering of disparities related to their immigration status or that their immigration status proxies. A future challenge for researchers is to make sense of what this diversity means. For example, are immigrant selectivity and assimilation models synergistic rather than competing explanations? Can different outcomes across immigrant groups reflect a similar underlying theoretical process? Furthermore, recent evidence suggests that native-born internal migrants, such as native blacks who move from one part of the country to another, demonstrate economic advantages over otherwise similar native-born nonmigrants that are similar to the immigrant paradox.

National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Aug Robert Crosnoe and Ruth N. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. This should also be incorporated with at least one bathtub or shower for every ten students. These are some of the few guidelines set by the department among many others. It could probably be observed that not all boarding schools around the world meet these minimum basic standards, despite their apparent appeal.

Boarding schools manifest themselves in different ways in different societies. For example, in some societies children enter at an earlier age than in others. In some societies, a tradition has developed in which families send their children to the same boarding school for generations. One observation that appears to apply globally is that a significantly larger number of boys than girls attend boarding school and for a longer span of time. The practice of sending children, particularly boys, to other families or to schools so that they could learn together is of very long standing, recorded in classical literature and in UK records going back over 1, years.

In Europe, a practice developed by early medieval times of sending boys to be taught by literate clergymen, either in monasteries or as pages in great households. The King's School, Canterbury , arguably the world's oldest boarding school, dates its foundation from the development of the monastery school in around AD. The author of the Croyland Chronicle recalls being tested on his grammar by Edward the Confessor 's wife Queen Editha in the abbey cloisters as a Westminster schoolboy , in around the s.

Monastic schools as such were generally dissolved with the monasteries themselves under Henry VIII, although Westminster School was specifically preserved by the King's letters patent , and it seems likely that most schools were immediately replaced. Winchester College founded by Bishop William of Wykeham in and Oswestry School founded by David Holbache in are the oldest boarding schools in continuous operation.

Boarding schools in England started in medieval times, when boys were sent to be educated at a monastery or noble household, where a lone literate cleric could be found. In the 12th century, the Pope ordered all Benedictine monasteries such as Westminster to provide charity schools, and many public schools started when such schools attracted paying students. These public schools reflected the collegiate universities of Oxford and Cambridge , as in many ways they still do, and were accordingly staffed almost entirely by clergymen until the 19th century.

Private tuition at home remained the norm for aristocratic families, and for girls in particular, but after the 16th century it was increasingly accepted that adolescents of any rank might best be educated collectively. The institution has thus adapted itself to changing social circumstances over 1, years. Boarding preparatory schools tend to reflect the public schools they feed. They often have a more or less official tie to particular schools.

The classic British boarding school became highly popular during the colonial expansion of the British Empire. British colonial administrators abroad could ensure that their children were brought up in British culture at public schools at home in the UK, and local rulers were offered the same education for their sons. More junior expatriates would send their children to local British-run schools, which would also admit selected local children who might travel from considerable distances.

The boarding schools, which inculcated their own values, became an effective way to encourage local people to share British ideals, and so help the British achieve their imperial goals. One of the reasons sometimes stated for sending children to boarding schools is to develop wider horizons than their family can provide. A boarding school a family has attended for generations may define the culture parents aspire to for their children. Equally, by choosing a fashionable boarding school, parents may aspire to better their children by enabling them to mix on equal terms with children of the upper classes.

However, such stated reasons may conceal other reasons for sending a child away from home. In , there were private-sector boarding schools in England and , children attending boarding schools all over the United Kingdom. In England, they are an important factor in the class system. In Britain about one percent of children are sent to boarding schools. In the United States, boarding schools for students below the age of 13 are called junior boarding schools , and are relatively uncommon. The oldest junior boarding school is the Fay School in Southborough, Massachusetts , established in Other boarding schools are intended for high school age students, generally of ages 14— Some of the oldest of these boarding schools include West Nottingham Academy est.

About half of one percent or. In the late 19th century, the United States government undertook a policy of educating Native American youth in the ways of the dominant Western culture so that Native Americans might then be able to assimilate into Western society. At these boarding schools, managed and regulated by the government, Native American students were subjected to a number of tactics to prepare them for life outside their reservation homes.

In accordance with the assimilation methods used at the boarding schools, the education that the Native American children received at these institutions centered on the dominant society's construction of gender norms and ideals. Thus boys and girls were separated in almost every activity and their interactions were strictly regulated along the lines of Victorian ideals. In addition, the instruction that the children received reflected the roles and duties that they were to assume once outside the reservation. Thus girls were taught skills that could be used in the home, such as "sewing, cooking, canning, ironing, child care, and cleaning" [17] Adams Native American boys in the boarding schools were taught the importance of an agricultural lifestyle, with an emphasis on raising livestock and agricultural skills like "plowing and planting, field irrigation, the care of stock, and the maintenance of fruit orchards" [17] Adams These ideas of domesticity were in stark contrast to those existing in native communities and on reservations: For example, women in native society held powerful roles in their own communities, undertaking tasks that Western society deemed only appropriate for men: While the Native American children were exposed to and were likely to adopt some of the ideals set out by the whites operating these boarding schools, many resisted and rejected the gender norms that were being imposed upon them.

Most societies around the world decline to make boarding schools the preferred option for the upbringing of their children. However, boarding schools are one of the preferred modes of education in former British colonies or Commonwealth countries like India, Pakistan, Nigeria, and other former African colonies of Great Britain. For instance in Ghana the majority of the secondary schools are boarding. In China some children are sent to boarding schools at 2 years of age.

These state boarding schools are frequently the traditional single-sex state schools, whose ethos is much like that of their independent counterparts. In Canada, the largest independent boarding school is Columbia International College , with an enrollment of 1, students from all over the world. Robert Land Academy in Wellandport, Ontario is Canada's only private military style boarding school for boys in Grades 6 through In the former Soviet Union these schools were sometimes known as Internat-schools Russian: They varied in their organization.

Some schools were a type of specialized school with a specific focus in a particular field or fields such as mathematics, physics, language, science, sports, etc. Other schools were associated with orphanages after which all children enrolled in Internat-school automatically. Also, separate boarding schools were established for children with special needs schools for blind, for deaf and other. General schools offered "extended stay" programs Russian: In post-Soviet countries, the concept of boarding school differs from country to country.

The Swiss government developed a strategy of fostering private boarding schools for foreign students as a business integral to the country's economy. Their boarding schools offer instruction in several major languages and have a large number of quality facilities organized through the Swiss Federation of Private Schools. As of there were about , boarding schools in rural areas of Mainland China , with about 33 million children living in them.

Some elite university-preparatory boarding schools for students from age 13 to 18 are seen by sociologists as centers of socialization for the next generation of the political upper class and reproduces an elitist class system. Boarding schools are seen by certain families as centres of socialization where students mingle with others of similar social hierarchy [23] to form what is called an old boy network.

Elite boarding school students are brought up with the assumption that they are meant to control society. British elitism and the Entitlement Illusion — A Psychohistory , states that the education of the elite in the British boarding school system leaves the nation with "a cadre of leaders who perpetuate a culture of elitism, bullying and misogyny affecting the whole of society". The boarding school socialization of control and hierarchy develops deep rooted and strong adherence to social roles and rigid gender stratification.

This leads to pervasive form of explicit and implicit bullying, and excessive competition between cliques and between individuals. One alumnus of a military boarding school also questions whether leadership is truly being learned by the school's students. The aspect of boarding school life with its round the clock habitation of students with each other in the same environment, involved in studying, sleeping and socializing leads to pressures and stress in boarding school life.

It is claimed that children may be sent to boarding schools to give more opportunities than their family can provide. However, that involves spending significant parts of one's early life in what may be seen as a total institution [28] and possibly experiencing social detachment, as suggested by social-psychologist Erving Goffman. The celebrated British classicist and poet, Robert Graves , who attended six different preparatory schools at a young age, during the early 20th Century, wrote:. Some modern philosophies of education, such as constructivism and new methods of music training for children including Orff Schulwerk and the Suzuki method , make the everyday interaction of the child and parent an integral part of training and education.

In children, separation involves maternal deprivation. Data have not yet been tabulated regarding the statistical ratio of boys to girls that matriculate boarding schools, the total number of children in a given population in boarding schools by country, the average age across populations when children are sent to boarding schools, and the average length of education in years for boarding school students. There is also little evidence or research about the complete circumstances or complete set of reasons about sending kids to boarding schools.

The term boarding school syndrome was coined by psychotherapist Joy Schaverien in Boarding schools and their surrounding settings and situations became in the late Victorian period a genre in British literature with its own identifiable conventions. Typically, protagonists find themselves occasionally having to break school rules for honourable reasons the reader can identify with, and might get severely punished when caught — but usually they do not embark on a total rebellion against the school as a system.

Notable examples of the school story include:. There is also a huge boarding-school genre literature, mostly uncollected, in British comics and serials from the s to the s. The subgenre of books and films set in a military or naval academy has many similarities with the above. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. List of boarding schools in the United Kingdom. List of boarding schools in the United States. Native American boarding schools. Native American education and boarding schools. Canadian Indian residential school system. Boarding schools in China. School story and School and university in literature.

One cadet's memoir, Arlington, VA.: Retrieved 15 September Three Days at Crane. Archived from the original PDF on 14 February Lone Arrow Press, Residential services for children: Chapin Hall Center for Children. Caring for Children away from Home. International Journal of Social Welfare ; 14, — American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, University of Kansas Press, Lawrence: Retrieved on July 13,