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Main Author: Parton, James, Language(s): English. Published: Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, [c]. Edition: 11th ed. Subjects​.
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He was a thriving man during the first year of his residence in Philadelphia; his chief gain, it is said, being derived from his favorite business of bottling wine and cider. The romance, the mystery, the tragedy of his life now occurred. Walking along Water Street one day, near the corner of Vine Street, the eyes of this reserved and ill-favored man were caught by a beautiful servant-girl going to the pump for a pail of water.


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She was an enchanting brunette of sixteen, with luxuriant black locks curling and clustering about her neck. As she tripped along with bare feet and empty pail, in airy and unconscious grace, she captivated the susceptible Frenchman, who saw in her the realization of the songs of the forecastle and the reveries of the quarter-deck. He sought her acquaintance, and made himself at home in her kitchen. The family whom she served, misinterpreting the designs of the thriving dealer, forbade him the house; when he silenced their scruples by offering the girl his hand in marriage.

Ill-starred Polly Lumm! Unhappy Girard! She accepted his offer; and in July, , the incongruous two, being united in matrimony, attempted to become one. The war interrupted their brief felicity.


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He bought a house at Mount Holly, near Burlington, in New Jersey, for five hundred dollars, to which he removed, and there continued to bottle claret and sell it to the British officers, until the departure of Lord Howe, in June, , permitted his return to Philadelphia.

The gay young officers, it is said, who came to his house at Mount Holly to drink his claret, were far from being insensible to the charms of Mrs. Even as the national discussion grows more hateful, the lived reality of absorbing immigrants and refugees has remained remarkably calm—in the cities where they have actually arrived.

Pagination

Pew, like other polling organizations, periodically asks Americans which national problems concern them most. The economy usually leads.


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    6. A Gallup poll conducted six months after his inauguration found that nearly two-thirds of Americans felt the level of immigration should either stay the same or go up. American polls strongly indicate the same pattern. Steve King, a Republican who is the most outspokenly anti-immigrant member of Congress, represents a district in Iowa that is 93 percent white; representatives from districts along the U. Whereas immigrants congregate in big cities such as Chicago and Los Angeles, many refugees are sent to medium-size communities that have specialized in assimilating them, a process we saw in, for instance, South Dakota, Vermont, Minnesota, and Pennsylvania, among other states.

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    Midwestern industrial cities that have lost some of their home-born population have pushed hard for outsiders to revitalize them. Erie was a magnet for eastern-European and other immigrants during its manufacturing heyday, from the midth through the midth centuries. Now refugees, including recent arrivals from Syria, make up fully 10 percent of its population, and they supply much of its entrepreneurial energy.

    It has spread to become Welcoming America, supporting immigrant and refugee settlement in more than 50 cities.

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    Talent dispersal. Case himself grew up in Hawaii but built his companies in the Washington, D. Case points out that venture-capital support for start-ups is still heavily skewed toward the coasts. Nearly half of the total funds in the U. These other businesses are dispersed across the country, and start-ups will follow. It was a story we heard time and again. Igor Ferst, a Millennial engineer who had worked for Google and other famous companies in California, wrote us to describe why he and his wife had decided to move to Columbus.

    Many schools worked with local employers to train students for decently paying jobs in culinary, architectural, mechanical, agricultural, medical, and other fields. Community colleges and universities increasingly provide the connective tissue among the components of a healthy regional economy: established companies, start-up entrepreneurs, academic researchers, and future employees. Wichita State University runs the National Institute for Aviation Research, where I saw students and professors working on projects to improve aircraft design and reduce crash risks.

    Airbus recently moved a major engineering center into a new building on the Wichita State campus. By most measures of use—classes and programs offered, daily attendance, visits to the website, everything except calls to reference librarians for the research people can now do on Google—libraries are becoming more rather than less popular and central to civic life. According to a recent Pew survey, Millennials use libraries more than their Gen X or Boomer elders do.

    Even as Americans look out their windows from the Amtrak routes along the East Coast or from Midwest interstates to see derelict abandoned steel or car factories, almost every city we visited featured smaller advanced-tech workplaces. In Allentown, what was once the factory headquarters for Mack Trucks is now an incubator with a stream of new small companies.

    Going to the FirstBuild manufacturing incubator in Louisville, Kentucky, in reminded me of being in China—in a good way, for the intensity of maker-style innovation on the shop floor. FirstBuild was started by General Electric and is now owned by the Chinese appliance manufacturer Haier, but it still trains young workers and fosters new businesses in Louisville. Even as the country looks more homogenized and faceless in the parking lots of big malls, downtown by downtown it looks more distinctive and local.

    The Main Street America project of the National Trust for Historic Preservation reports more than 1, downtown-revitalization efforts now under way. Downtown reinventions that have already been successful—in places like Burlington and Greenville and Bend—illustrate the model of combining residences, shopping, and dining and entertainment for downtowns that are still on the way back, as in Allentown and Duluth and Macon, Georgia. It would be better if the federal government were working with them rather than working against them.

    To a remarkable degree, political and journalistic portrayals suggest that coastal big-city America is the place where things happen.

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    Globalization, drought, layoffs, opioids—these are the blows that fall one by one on smaller-town and rural Americans. But Deb and I have seen other kinds of things happening—and in these places, not just to them. The hardest question is whether something has changed since the last presidential campaign and election to make any optimism about local-level realities outdated, and to suggest that the poison of national politics has seeped all the way down. There is of course evidence that this has happened, in the form of the bigotry that has been unleashed since Some places had seen a nasty shift, as Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and police became newly aggressive and local racists felt empowered.

    A few months after the election, a white-extremist hate group in Garden City was arrested while plotting to blow up an apartment building where African immigrants and refugees lived. In Dodge City, we met and wrote about a rising, respected young city-government official named Ernestor de la Rosa. His parents had brought him to the U. Trump carried Dodge City more than two to one. But people we spoke with there after the election said they never intended their preference in national politics to lead to the removal of trusted figures like de la Rosa.

    You could use the Dodge City story for snark: What did Trump supporters think they were voting for? Two days after the election, Deb and I were in Wyoming, where Trump beat Clinton more than three to one. Most people we interviewed there were happy about his victory—but hoped it would not lead to either an interruption in nafta , which was important for their exports, or a change in the availability of an immigrant labor force.

    Contradictory outlooks? Dysfunction at the national level genuinely is a problem, as the world is reminded every time the federal government shuts down. Some of that pathology has spread to the state level. Suppose you are skeptical of this fundamental claim, about the ongoing health of local American society. I suggest the following test, and mean it seriously rather than just as a thought experiment: Through the next year, go to half a dozen places that are new to you, and that are not usually covered in the mainstream press.

    Instead ask about what is happening right now in these places.

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    The schools, the businesses, the downtown, the kind of people moving out and the kind moving in, and how all of this compares with the situation 10 years ago. This process, repeated again and again, led us to the perspective I am presenting here. But suppose you accept the idea that America is remaking itself except at the national level. What difference would that make? Here are three areas in which our reporting has changed my mind about what really matters.

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    First is improving connections , both conceptual and operational. Across the country, millions of people in thousands of organizations are working toward common goals, generally without being aware of how many other people and organizations are striving toward the same end. The more we traveled, the more parallels and resonances we saw.

    This public-art project in southern Arizona was like that other one in Maine. This library program in Oregon was like that one in Ohio. This creative public school in California was like that one in Georgia. This conservation effort in Montana resembled others in California, and Louisiana, and Idaho. Every place had its local features, but together those efforts formed a pattern whose sweep and power can be hard to discern from any single instance.

    It matters at least as much in outlook. Second is emphasizing engagement , of almost any kind. Early in our travels I received a note from a young man who had moved from a big coastal city to a town in North Texas. Any step in that direction—as modest as voting or attending PTA meetings, as dramatic as running for office or leading a group to deal with local problems—is a step that encourages civic creation, not just consumption.

    Third is correcting perceptions and dealing with what is already recognized as a national emergency: the distorted picture of events beyond our immediate experience that comes through the media, professional and informal alike. The strain on local media, whose effects we saw everywhere, is an important part of this distortion. One to-do step for citizens: Subscribe to local publications while they still exist.

    A to-do step for plutocrats and philanthropists: View news-gathering as a crucial part of the public infrastructure of this era, just as Carnegies, Rockefellers, and Mellons viewed libraries, museums, and universities as part of the necessary infrastructure of their time. This is hard enough in the best of circumstances. And it is nearly impossible in the case of cable-news channels, above all politically driven ones like Fox.

    What hour cable news introduced and Fox perfected in the modern news consciousness is an unending stream of horrors from … somewhere else. The natural result of well-meaning liberal media is thus a kind of pity for the heartland, and of conservative media, a survivalist fear about what people Out There are trying to get away with. The problems of journalistic proportion hardly began with the last presidential campaign.

    You name a decade from the s onward, and I can show you an essay on the failings and pernicious effects of the contemporary press. A clear view of the America of this era contains serious perils, like always, but also more promise than at many other times. It can rise again, and across the country we have seen rays of its new light.