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Thus, they say, although these policies were unfortunate, we no longer have de jure segregation. This unaffordability was also created by federal, state, and local policy that prevented African Americans in the mid-twentieth century from accumulating the capital needed to invest in home ownership in middle-class neighborhoods, and then from benefiting from the equity appreciation that followed in the ensuing decades.

Federal labor market and income policies were racially discriminatory until only a few decades ago. In consequence, most black families, who in the mid-twentieth century could have joined their white peers in the suburbs, can no longer afford to do so. The federal civil service was first segregated in the twentieth century, by the administration of President Woodrow Wilson. Under rules then adopted, no black civil servant could be in a position of authority over white civil servants, and in consequence, African Americans were restricted and demoted to the most poorly paid jobs King, The federal government recognized separate black and white government employee unions well into the second half of the twentieth century.

For example, black letter carriers were not admitted to membership in the white postal service union. At the behest of Southern segregationist Senators and Congressmen, New Deal labor standards laws, like the National Labor Relations Act and the minimum wage law, excluded from coverage, for undisguised racial purposes, occupations in which black workers predominated Katznelson, The National Labor Relations Board certified segregated private sector unions, and unions that entirely excluded African Americans from their trades, into the s Foner, ; Hill, ; Independent Metal Workers , State and local governments maintained separate, and lower, salary schedules for black public employees through the s e.

In these and other ways, government played an important and direct role in depressing the income levels of African American workers below the income levels of comparable white workers. This, too, contributed to the inability of black workers to accumulate the wealth needed to move to equity-appreciating white suburbs. The wealth gap does not only reflect the desperate financial situation of the poorest disadvantaged families. Shapiro, personal communication, May 3, This gap has undoubtedly widened since because the housing collapse harmed blacks—who were targeted disproportionately for exploitative subprime loans and exposed to foreclosure—more than whites.

In short, middle-class African Americans and whites are in different financial straits. White middle-class children are more likely to prepare for, apply to, and graduate from college than black children with similar family incomes. This widely acknowledged difference in educational outcomes is, in considerable part, the enduring effect of de jure segregated housing policies of the 20 th century, policies that prevented African Americans from accumulating, and bequeathing, wealth that they might otherwise have gained from appreciating real estate.

Levittown, described above as a Long Island suburban development built with federal financing and restricted to whites, illustrates these enduring effects. Although African Americans are now permitted to purchase in Levittown, it has become unaffordable. By Levittown, in a metropolitan region with a large black population, was still less than 1 percent black.

White Levittowners can today easily save for college. Blacks denied access to the community are much less likely to be able to do so.

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Segregation in many other suburbs is now locked in place by exclusionary zoning laws — requiring large setbacks, prohibiting multi-family construction, or specifying minimum square footage — in suburbs where black families once could have afforded to move in the absence of official segregation, but can afford to do so no longer with property values appreciated.

Mid-twentieth century policies of de jure racial segregation continue to have impact in other ways, as well. A history of state-sponsored violence to keep African Americans in their ghettos cannot help but influence the present-day reluctance of many black families to integrate. Today, when facially race-neutral housing or redevelopment policies have a disparate impact on African Americans, that impact is inextricably intertwined with the state-sponsored system of residential segregation that we established. Reacquainting ourselves with that history is a step towards confronting it.

When knowledge of that history becomes commonplace, we will conclude that Parents Involved was wrongly decided by the Supreme Court in Louisville, Seattle and other racially segregated metropolitan areas not only have permission, but a constitutional obligation to integrate. But this obligation cannot be fulfilled by school districts alone. As noted above, in some small cities, and in some racial border areas, some racial school integration can be accomplished by adjusting attendance zones, establishing magnet schools, or offering more parent-student choice. This is especially true — but only temporarily — where neighborhoods are in transition, either from gradual urban gentrification, or in first-ring suburbs to which urban ghetto populations are being displaced.

These school integration policies are worth pursuing, but generally, our most distressed ghettos are too far distant from truly middle-class communities for school integration to occur without racially explicit policies of residential desegregation. Instead, narrowing the achievement gap will also require housing desegregation, which history also shows is not a voluntary matter but a constitutional necessity — involving policies like voiding exclusionary zoning, placing scattered low and moderate income housing in predominantly white suburbs, prohibiting landlord discrimination against housing voucher holders, and ending federal subsidies for communities that fail to reverse policies that led to racial exclusion.

We will never develop the support needed to enact such policies if policymakers and the public are unaware of the history of state-sponsored residential segregation. And we are not doing the job of telling young people this story, so that they will support more integration-friendly policies in the future.

Elementary and secondary school curricula typically ignore, or worse, misstate this story. For example,. Avoidance of our racial history is pervasive and we are ensuring the persistence of that avoidance for subsequent generations. For the public and policymakers, re-learning our racial history is a necessary step because remembering this history is the foundation for an understanding that aggressive policies to desegregate metropolitan areas are not only desirable, but a constitutional obligation. Without fulfilling this obligation, substantially narrowing the achievement gap, or opening equal educational opportunity to African Americans, will remain a distant and unreachable goal.

Alavosus, L. History alive! Ayoub, C. Cognitive skill performance among young children living in poverty: Risk, change, and the promotive effects of Early Head Start. Aysola, J. Neighborhood characteristics associated with access to patient-centered medical homes for children. Health Affairs, 30 11 , — Brooks-Gunn, J. The contribution of parenting to ethnic and racial gaps in school readiness.

Youth exposure to violence:. Prevalence, risks, and consequences. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 71 3 , — Burdick-Will, J. Colfax, R. Kennedy v. City of Zanesville : Making the case for water. Human Rights, 36 4. American Bar Association. Communiques from the housing front: Venice race-hate meet reported on. California Eagle, 64 32 , pp. Danzer, G. The Americans. Davies, R. Housing reform during the Truman administration.

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Detroit Public Schools Detroit city school district. Entwisle, D. Summer learning and home environment. Kahlenberg Ed. Farah, M. Childhood poverty: Specific associations with neurocognitive development. Excerpts in J.

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Ritzdorf Eds. Urban planning and the African American community: In the shadows pp. Foner, P. O rganized labor and the black worker, Galster, G. By words and deeds: Racial steering by real estate agents in the U. Journal of the American Planning Association, 71 3 , Guryan, J. Desegregation and black dropout rates. Hill, H.


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Black labor and the American legal system. Hirsch, A. Making the second ghetto: Race and housing in Chicago, Original work published Bauman, R.

Szylvian Eds. From tenements to the Taylor Homes: In search of an urban housing policy in twentieth century America pp. Jargowsky, P. Concentration of poverty in the new millennium: Changes in the prevalence, composition, and location of high-poverty neighborhoods. Johnson, R. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Working Paper Cambridge, MA.

National Bureau of Economic Research.

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In Progress. Working Paper, Julian, E. Separate and unequal: The root and branch of public housing segregation. Clearinghouse Review, 23 , Katznelson, I.

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Fear itself: The New Deal and the origins of our time. Report of the national Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. King, D. Separate and unequal: Black Americans and the U. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press. Lapanksy-Werner, E. United States history. Mehana, M.