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If the L. Times had been willing to share such relevant details, it would have provided readers with a much better basis for evaluating Cannistraro's testimonial to CIA integrity: "There's no tendency to turn a blind eye to drug trafficking. It's too sensitive. It's not a fine line. It's not a shaded area where you can turn away from the rules.

Times was following in the footsteps of less august media outlets that used a deceptively identified Cannistraro to attack the Mercury News series. These charges are completely illogical. Whose Army? Judging the Mercury News series invalid, the preeminent denouncers frequently berated the newspaper for failing to prove what Webb never claimed. The Washington Post, for instance, devoted paragraph after paragraph of its Oct. Many critics took issue with Webb's references to the contras as "the CIA's army.


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The army was formed at the instigation of the CIA, its leaders were selected by and received salaries from the agency, and CIA officers controlled day-to-day battlefield strategies. The CIA identifies highly placed foreign hirelings not as 'agents' but as 'assets.

Dubious Debunkings The most potentially damaging charge made by the establishment papers is that Webb greatly exaggerated the amount of crack profits going to the contras, which he reported as being "millions" of dollars. Yet the Mercury News' higher estimates are better sourced than the debunkers' low numbers. In contrast to the Mercury News--which had drawn on sworn grand jury and court testimony to calculate that millions of crack dollars flowed to the contras--the Post and L. In the affidavit, three confidential informants said that Blandon was still sending money to the contras.

Ross was indeed a crack kingpin, he was one of many. Ross now was one of many "interchangeable characters," who was "dwarfed" by other dealers. The L. Times reporter did not explain how his reporting on Ross two years earlier could have been so inaccurate. Evidence Ignored While the Mercury News series could arguably be faulted for occasional overstatement, the elite media's attacks on the series were clearly driven by a need to defend their shoddy record on the contra-cocaine story--involving a decade-long suppression of evidence Extra!

The Washington Post was typical. Charles Rangel D.

Longarm #290: Longarm and the Desert Rose

Later that year, Time magazine staff writer Laurence Zuckerman was assigned to work with an investigative reporter on contra-cocaine allegations. They found serious evidence of the link, but the story Zuckerman wrote was obstructed by higher-ups Extra! A senior editor acknowledged to Zuckerman: "Time is institutionally behind the contras. Other establishment publications took the cue that it was safe to mock Kerry. The commission concluded that the contra resupply network in Costa Rica, which North coordinated from the White House, doubled as a drug smuggling operation.

A big story? Not at all. In late , one of the basic pretensions threading through much of the coverage by the Washington Post, New York Times and L. Times was the notion that contra participation in drug trafficking is old news--a particularly ironic claim coming from newspapers that went out of their way to ignore or disparage key information during the s. Alas, dismissing someone else's story as old news comes more naturally. In the case of the New York Times and the Washington Post, part of the explanation is that the papers had lent their editorial prestige to the contra cause.

By the late s, both papers had endorsed military aid to the contras--though sometimes grudgingly. At all three papers, the attitudes of owners and top management set the tone and impose the constraints within which journalists work. Dennis McDougal, a former L. He weighs whether or not an investigative piece will have repercussions among the ruling elite, and if it will, the chances of seeing it in print in the L. Times decrease accordingly. From to , about 10 CIA employees were provided Times cover under arrangements approved by the newspaper's late publisher, Arthur Hays Sulzberger.

The cover arrangements were part of a general Times policy--set by Sulzberger--to provide assistance to the CIA whenever possible. Research Assistance: Steve Rendall. Response to man Reply 1 man This message was self-deleted by its author. Thank you man for the time consuming and hard work you put into all of these posts!!!!

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You are not going to be able to putthis book down. It will mesmerize you, enrage you and change your attitude toward the people in government whom we have entrusted with our safety and security. Most importantly it will give you information that has been kept from you;information you have a right to, because you have paid for it with your taxes, and,as many like me have done, with the blood and misery of your loved ones and friends. There are several important facts that you must keep in mind as you read.

First, that the crimes and atrocities described so vividly in these in these pages,were committed by U.

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Second, that this first-hand account was written by Celerino "Cele" Castillo, a highly decorated veteran of two wars - Vietnam and the War on Drugs; a man who has often risked his life to fulfill his oath to protect the American people and uphold their laws, and that Celerino Castillo is a consummate professional investigator who documents everyone of his claims - - often using electronic recording devices - - so that they serve as evidence in any court in the world.

Fourth, that Cele Castillo persisted in pushing for an investigation spite of a warning from a U.


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Ambassador to back off the investigation because it was a White House Operation, and inspite of being place under a malicious Internal Affairs investigation--DEAs classic method of silencing its outspoken agents - - that would help destroy his marriage and career and almost cost him his life. They found it impossible to believe that their own government could tax them hundreds of billions of dollars to fight drugs and at the same time support and protect the biggest drug dealers in the world asthey poisoned our children. It was the most despicable kind of treason.

I, like many millions of Americans, was affected personally; my son Keith Richard Levine, a 27year old New York City police officer, was murdered by crack addicts when, while off- duty, he tried to stop and armed robbery they were committing to support their addiction; my brother David, a life-long drug addict, ended his misery at 34 years ofage by suicide. Our nation, thanks in large part to these criminals now has a homicide rate exceeding 25, per year, much of it drug related, and, according to some economists, our economy is impacted by this drug plague by as much a trillion dollars a year.

Is it conceivable that so many members of our legislative, judicial and law enforcement branches of government betrayed us? I could easily prove that these investigations were intentionally destroyed and that our cover was blown by our own government, but I only had circumstantial evidence linking the events to the Contras. Celerino Castillo, as you will see in these pages, had the smoking gun. But at that time, Cele was just fighting for his family, his career and his life. From the moment my first book was published i began receiving - - and still receive - - letters from both federal and local law enforcement officers, government informants and contract pilots for both DEA and CIA, with their own horror stories to tell indicating that our covert agencies and state Department were sabotaging the drug war, and that when honest officers tried to do something about it, their lives and jobs were threatened, yet none would go public with their stories.

They were afraid. I pointed out to all who would listen that even our highest government officials are afraid to confront the criminals in government. During the years J Edgar Hoover ran the FBI, eight Presidents were aware that he was running a political police force, in violation of every law of the land, yet they kept theirsilence and did nothing to stop him.

They were terrified of his secret files and the revelations they might contain.

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It took almost twenty years after his death before the truth finally surfaced. If one man could intimidate eight Presidents, can you imagine the kind of club the CIA has over the heads of our current crop of political leaders? How else can you explain the difference between their rhetoric and their actions, or lack thereof? All the outrage and oratory not withstanding, none of the evidence that the led to those statements was ever presented to a grand jury of American citizens, and not one single indictment of a U.

Nor was there ever any house - cleaning of the agencies involved. Many of these criminals in government are still, in fact, criminals in government, and as this book goes to press there is evidence that their crimes continue. It is also important for the reader to keep in mind, that to prove agovernment official guilty of violations of the Federal Drug Conspiracy laws, isa relatively easy task for a professional narcotics investigator. One would onlyhave to prove that he or she knew of drug trafficking activity and failed to take appropriate action. In one case I was involved in, for example, A new York City police detective was convicted of violation of the Federal Conspiracy statutesand sentenced to 8 years in prison, for not taking appropriate action against dope-dealing friend of his.

We could not even prove that he had profited fromhis crime. The law is exactly asPresident Bush once said: All those who look the other way are as guilty as thedrug dealer. The evidence - - and the above is only a small sampling of what is available - -is enough to enrage career narcotic enforcement officers who have sent so many to jail for so much less.

And when you add the evidence so powerfully presented in this book, what is already known about North and his Contra operation, you will understand why Cele Castillo put his career and life at risk to try and break through that shield, and why he continues to risk himself to his day. By the time you finish this book you willknow that his accusation is aimed squarely at Oliver North, Presidents Reaganand Bush, and other high government officials, yet, and it bears repeating, none ofthe evidence provoking that statement was ever presented to a grand jury ofAmerican citizens.

What else but fear can account for this failure on the part of ourleaders to take appropriate action. A failure that local cops or DEA agents would have gotten them arrested and prosecuted, along with the people they were protecting. Jack Blum, special counsel for the Kerry commission, resigned hispost, stating, I am sick to death of the truths I cannot tell. But Cele Castillo, as youwill soon know, is not afraid and never has been.

In these pages he will reveal toyou some of the most devastating of those truths. I now welcome Cele Castillo, a true American hero, to the front lines of his third and perhaps most important war -a war against the criminals within his own government. Your long-standing support of the Drug Enforcement Administration is greatly appreciated Thank you very much for the autographed photograph. I have had it framed and it is proudly displayed in my office. In December, ,15 American soldiers, part of an invading force of 10,, were killed trying tohunt down Noriega and haul him back to the U.


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The man whose autographedportrait once hung on the DEA Administrators wall was now, in the words of theU. Such are the ironies of the drug war. Gorman, former head of the U.