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The Iranian revolution and the hostage crisis would take down Carter immediately suspended foreign travel and political campaigning to focus on the crisis. All of this happened at a very crucial time in the election cycle.
Table of contents
- Jair Bolsonaro: Brazil's unlikely president - BBC News
- Politics and Nation
- I was kidnapped, says Putin election rival
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Speaking in London, Mr Rybkin said he had now decided to stay abroad until after polling day on March 14 because he felt this was "the only realistic guarantee for the security of my family". He was not abandoning his candidacy, nor planning to seek asylum abroad. The disappearance of Mr Rybkin - a staunch critic of President Vladimir Putin and the only candidate to have made criticism of the war in Chechnya a central plank of his campaign - prompted anxious statements from his wife and a murder inquiry by Russian police.
Others saw the move as a publicity stunt. When he resurfaced in Kiev on Tuesday he said he had switched off his mobile phone and gone away for a rest. But in London yesterday he said these statements had been made under pressure.
Jair Bolsonaro: Brazil's unlikely president - BBC News
He had later gone home to Moscow briefly, but had decided to leave Russia and to explain what had happened. As the secretary of Russia's security council under the former president, Boris Yeltsin, Mr Rybkin helped to end the first Chechen war by negotiating a peace treaty with the Chechen president, Aslan Maskhadov.
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When Mr Putin was appointed prime minister in and tore up the deal three years later by sending Russian troops back into the devastated republic in the Caucasus, Mr Rybkin denounced the policy and became the most senior Russian figure to call for a political settlement. It was this that led him to last week's fateful episode, he said yesterday.
Politics and Nation
He was contacted two weeks ago by a human-rights activist who offered to take him to a secret location in Ukraine to meet Mr Maskhadov. Suspicious but intrigued, Mr Rybkin said he flew to London last week to seek advice from Mr Maskhadov's representative, Akhmed Zakayev, who has political asylum in Britain. Still, Bolsonaro was running for a tiny party and was seen as an unimportant politician who in 27 years in Congress had only approved two minor bills and had rotated between different parties.
His ideas were considered too extreme for a viable candidacy at first, but that changed in a time of disillusionment.
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He knew this was the year. His support base was very narrow, but he smelled the blood in the water after the impeachment. Bolsonaro ran a highly unconventional campaign. He had a small party machine and a paltry campaign budget. He resorted to the power of social media and his knack of speaking directly to his voters in blunt, simple language.
I was kidnapped, says Putin election rival
Microphones placed on top of a bodyboard at a press conference held at Bolsonaro's home. There were snapshots of his everyday life - like a picture of him seated at a messy breakfast table covered in breadcrumbs, using a can of condensed milk a national favourite to spread on bread. Bolsonaro knew things were going well. At every town he travelled to, he was greeted by crowds of frenzied supporters at the airport. His candidacy was backed by supportive groups in Congress, notably the BBB - the Bible, Bull and Bullet triumvirate - representing the evangelical churches, agribusiness and pro-gun lobbyists.
This alliance had been strengthened when Bolsonaro and pastors in Congress joined to condemn a package of educational material that the Dilma Rousseff government tried to introduce in , to tackle homophobia in schools. The material ended up being dropped. Winning over business leaders was largely down to his economic guru, Paulo Guedes, a free-market advocate who earned his doctorate at the University of Chicago.
Guedes, now minister of economy, made Bolsonaro appeal to Brazilians who wanted to see liberal economic policies implemented. They both laughed. Bolsonaro and his wife Michelle arrive at the Planalto presidential palace. He then prayed in a circle with his allies. Only after that did he make an official, nationwide TV-address.
But in an attempt to dispel fears raised by his controversial history, he vowed to respect the constitution and democratic rule, and to govern for the country as a whole. Celebrations outside Bolsonaro's house in Rio. Placard reads: "Bolsonaro you're the man". Outside his house in Rio, on the beachfront, the party exploded.
Supporters lit fireworks, sang the national anthem and wrapped themselves in the Brazilian flag. Vendors sold inflatable dolls depicting former President Lula in a black and white prison uniform, and key rings showing Bolsonaro wearing sunglasses, a presidential sash and pointing his fingers. We defeated communism! Over the past months, Brazilians have watched as Bolsonaro made his first moves as a president who promised to change the way politics is conducted in Brazil.
One by one, he announced his ministers on Twitter. He had promised to reduce his cabinet from 29 to 15 ministries - he ended up stopping at 22 in total. The cabinet he built around him reflects his views about the military, his moral values and his contempt for the left-wing governments of the PT. Bolsonaro takes on the post with huge challenges ahead for Brazil. Its debt is among the highest in any emerging economy.
Unemployment has reached 12 million and crime rates have been rising year after year - with 63, homicides across the country in Bolsonaro has pledged to implement pension reform to reduce government spending and achieve fiscal balance. But this is a highly unpopular measure that requires two-thirds support in Congress - and he has kept to a campaign promise of not distributing seats to potential allies in parliament, which may create challenges for governance in the future. If part of Brazil has high hopes for the former captain, another part is deeply worried about how his ideas will play out into policies.
He made it harder to create reserves for indigenous communities and descendants of slaves. He removed any mention of LGBT concerns from national human rights directives. There is also anxiety about whether his government could impact the rights of women, black people, LGBT people, and indigenous people. Crowds gather for Bolsonaro's swearing-in ceremony.
The country was put on the verge of the abyss economically, politically and socially. We need to rebuild Brazil. Correction: This story has been amended to reflect that the minimum wage was not reduced; it was increased by a slightly l ower than anticipated amount.
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His supporters think his no-nonsense style will tackle corruption and a weak economy. So who is Brazil's new president? The stabbing. The candidate floated above the crowds, carried on their shoulders. Videos of the attack were watched over and over again by Brazilians. So how did he get there? Both anniversaries were largely ignored by the Kremlin-controlled media, because they are uncomfortable for Putin. Bolsheviks were revolutionaries and Putin, a statist to his core, loathes revolutions. Putin governs with the twin collapses of and at the forefront of his thinking.
He fears for himself when another collapse comes—because collapse always comes, because it has already come twice in years. He is constantly trying to avoid it. The exiled oil magnate Mikhail Khodorkovsky has publicly spoken of deposing Putin, and until recently did not eschew violent means. People like Alexey Navalny, the opposition leader, openly talk about putting Putin and his closest associates on trial. The Russian opposition gleefully waits for Putin to fall, to resign, to die. Every misstep, every dip in oil prices, is to them just another sign of his coming personal apocalypse.