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Page 1. SCIENCE-FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 15 (). Jean Pfaelzer utopia reverses the reader's expectations about the emplotment of gender roles: dominance interpretation of the current world: the authenticity of the utopian fantasy times of significant restructuring of women's social and political roles.
Table of contents

The jurisdiction of each city was to extend for twenty miles or so, and below the senators there was to be a system of magistrates, elected annually. The king of this Utopia ordained that every twelve years — not oftener! Thomas Campanella, writing in Italy at the same time as Bacon in England, expresses in his Utopian The City of the Sun, a similar preoccupation with natural science, but his conception of government is vastly more complex.

Power is supreme in all military matters, and has the control of munitions, fortifications, armories, and so forth. There are twelve doctors, all under the control of Wisdom, and they have between them one book which they call Wisdom. The walls of the City of the Sun, at the dictates of Wisdom, are covered with fine paintings, and expositions of natural phenomena — the stars in their courses, the elements, animals, insects, trees, and flowers. Love attends to the charge of the race, to the education of children, and all domestic matters.

The inhabitants of the City of the Sun have all things in common, not merely material things — including wives — but honours and pleasures, and self-love is replaced by love of the State. They are selected for the duties for which, from youth, they have shown the most aptitude. And these teachers know well who is most suited for rule. Certain men are proposed by the magistrates in council. But no one attains to the dignity of Hoh except him who knows the histories of the nations, and their customs and sacrifices and law, and their form of government, whether a republic or a monarch.

But beyond everything else it is necessary that Hoh should understand metaphysics and theology; that he should know thoroughly the derivations, foundations and demonstrations of all the arts and sciences; the likeness and difference of things ; necessity, fate, and the harmonies of the universe; power, wisdom, and the love of things and of God; the stages of life and its symbols; everything relating to the heavens, the earth and the sea ; and the ideas of God, as much as mortal man can know of Him.

He must also be well read in the Prophets and in astrology. And thus they knew long beforehand who will be Hoh. He is not chosen to so great a dignity unless he has attained his thirty-fifth year. There are councils and assemblies ; the magistrates can be changed if it can be shown that they have failed in their duties, but Hoh and his assistants are never changed, except by arrangement between themselves. It is curious that a man who himself so vehemently resisted authority as did Campanella should have conceived so authoritarian an Utopia.


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He had much in common with Bacon on the scientific side, but even more with Plato in the matter of government. Hobbes and Harrington have in common a belief in private property. He favoured an absolute monarchy as the most suitable form of government, as Bacon did, but there the likeness between the two Utopian conceptions ends, for Hobbes was preoccupied not with science but with money, which he regarded as the blood of the social body.

Harrington maintained that the determining element of power in a State was property in general and land in particular, and that the executive power ought not to be vested for any length of time in the same men or class of men, and to this end he worked out in his Oceana — which was England as he would have liked it to be — an elaborate system of vote by ballot and rotation of magistrates and legislators. The popular assembly could reject clauses in any Bill put forward by the Senate and refer their rejections back to the Senate for reconsideration and a second presentation in a modified form.

What was finally agreed upon by the assembly became the law of the land. Winstanley had quite different ideas. Winstanley was strongly opposed to any kind of despotic rule. Great Offices in a Land and Army have changed the disposition of many sweet- spirited men. He saw Adam as the first Governor or Officer. There were also soldiers, taskmasters, and executioners.


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Every county had a Judge, and every town its Peacemaker, in addition to the overseers and soldiers, and these together formed the County Senate. Men over sixty automatically became overseers of the general welfare — observance of laws, etc. All other officers were to be elected annually. In time of peace the soldiers were to act as constables. The duty of the postmasters was to provide an Intelligence Service of events, their reports to be sent to the capital for com- pilation into a monthly report to be issued in book form, these books to be distributed to the local postmasters whose duty it was to keep their communities informed of the contents.

The duty of the Ministers was to convene meetings of the community members on the weekly day of rest — which it was their duty to ensure was observed.

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At these meetings the reports on the affairs of the country received by the postmasters were to be read, also sections of the Law of the Land, so that no one might be in ignorance of it, and there were to be, also, lectures and discussions, the subjects to be history, arts, sciences, natural history and no one He was opposed to all buying and selling, but he held that the buying and selling of land, or the fruits of the land, should be punishable with death. His revolu- tionary ideas concerning money and education we will discuss later; it need only be said here that in the seventeenth century they anticipated Morris and Bellamy in the nineteenth.

Well, at the next ordinary meeting of the neighbours, or Mote, as we call it But supposing the affair proposed and seconded, if a few of the neighbours disagree to it.

If the division is a close one, the question is again put off for further discussion; if the division is a wide one, the minority are asked if they will yield to the more general opinion, which they often, nay, most commonly do. The decision does not press hardly on the minority because no one is obliged to work on a proposition — such as the building of a new bridge — if he is not in agreement with its being carried out. Morris, like Wilde, was opposed to government in the generally accepted sense.

He held politics in contempt. Edward Bellamy, the American author, writing his Looking Backward?

It was a socialist society of equality and common ownership, with the State as the employer. Next, with an intervening grade in some of the larger grades, comes the general of the guild, under whose immediate control all the operations of the trade are conducted. This officer is at the head of the national bureau representing his trade, and is responsible for its work to the administration.

The Anthropology of Utopia | The Anarchist Library

The general of his guild holds a splendid position, and one which amply satisfies the ambition of most men, but above his rank, which may be compared The chiefs of these ten grand divisions of the industrial army may be compared to your commanders of army corps, or lieutenant-generals, each having from a dozen to a score of generals of separate guilds reporting to him. Above these ten great officers, who form his council, is the general-in-chief, who is the president of the United States. Promotion is simply according to merit.

The elec- tors practise impartiality, allied wi thTcnowledge of the special qualifications called for, and the record of each candidate. By retiring from national service at forty-five the citizens of this Utopia are enabled to devote the rest of their long lives to the pursuit of literary, artistic, scientific, or scholarly interests, to travel and social relaxations.

Owing to the better conditions and the freedom from care, forty-five in that Utopia is the equivalent of thirty-five in our world. In the twentieth century we get Wells; and a reversion to the Platonic tradition; and the late J. Unwin, who, after asserting the need for decentralisation, and that an integrated society can hold together without the State, goes on to outline a system of government complete with ministers, parliament, J.

There are no general elections.

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There was, after all, the practical living communism of the Early Christians. At one end of the Kinetic class come the intellectuals — the mathematicians and the scholars and scientists, whilst at the other end come the great actors, the popular politicians and preachers. Between these two classes in the Wellsian scheme come the Dull and the Base. Anyone, of any nationality, may qualify for this privileged order.

It is all as ethical and disciplinarian as Plato. Wells does not believe, as Morris and Wilde believed, that there is most freedom where there is least law.

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In Mr. Wells does not acknowledge that perfectability of man which Massingham envisages, and which Morris, in his Utopian scheme of things, takes for granted. What emerges — from the point of view of conception of government or organisation — from this survey? There is little to choose between the Fascist conceptions of Plato and Plutarch, and Campanella follows directly in that tradition — there are to be guardians, senators, magistrates — in each case a hierarchy of intellectuals, of philo- sophers, or priest-philosophers, and you get the hierarchy again in More, who owes something to Plato, the senators and magis- trates, with a prince at the head.

Bacon offers the scientific Utopia and in the matter of government contents himself with a benevolent monarchy. In Harrington again comes the insistence on officials — big fleas and lesser fleas; Bellamy favours a kind of industrial militarism, Wells reverts to the Platonic conception of government, and Unwin wants a highly complex State complete with monarchy.

In spite of his devotion to liberty, personal and social, there was nothing anarchistic about Rousseau. He would have regarded as ill-governed a Republic in which the people believed they could dispense with the magistrates, or denied them full authority, imprudently ' keeping to themselves the administration of civil affairs and the execution of their own laws. His attitude was the attitude of all reformists — a gradual acclimatisation to freedom.

People once accustomed to masters -are not in a condition to do without them. If they attempt to shake off the yoke, they still more estrange themselves from freedom, as, by mistaking it for an unbridled license to which it is diametrically opposed, they nearly always' manage, by their revolutions, to hand themselves over to seducers, who only make their chains heavier than before'. Rousseau was no revolutionary, in spite of his anti-monarchism and his anti-clericalism, and however much he might shock by his religious and moral unorthodoxy; he was a republican, and an impassioned one, at a time when it was politically revolutionary, to be a republican, but in the deeper sense he was a disciplinarian — a fact which occasionally emerges even in the sphere in which he was most radical, the educational sphere.

There is much, obviously, to be said for a wisely governed democracy, but a great deal more, from the Utopian point of view, for the abolition of the State; just as there is much to be said for the strict, just parent, but even more for the parent who has the wisdom to leave the child to discover the natural discipline that life itself imposes. In the matter of child education Rousseau urged this natural discipline, the authority of things , as opposed to persons , but when it comes to the State he is the complete authoritarian, devoted to law and order and its scrupulous observation, because, like so many, he could not conceive the perfectability of civilised man, though he believed man to be naturally good.

Godwin, in his Enquiry , some forty years after Rousseau, advocated the abolition of the State, and all laws and courts, and maintained that society, divided up into small communities, had no need of government, but did not use the word anarchism or anarchy. From Plato down to Rousseau there is this preoccupation with the State, in one form or another.

It is not until we reach the end of the eighteenth century and William Godwin that we get any conception of man ungoverned and free. And that Utopia must be the stateless society of the anarchist ideal, a free and ungoverned society living according to the natural law of mutual aid, the present writer is convinced. And that it must be communist-anarchist. Where competition and the profit- motive is abolished there is no need of — or indeed point in — intense manufacture, and, therefore, of manufacturing districts.