PDF Men of Silk: The Hasidic Conquest of Polish Jewish Society

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Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide. Men of silk the hasidic conquest of polish jewish society 1. In Men of Silk, Glenn Dynner draws upon newly discovered Polish archival material and neglected Hebrew testimonies to illuminate Hasidism's dramatic ascendancy in the region of Central Poland during the early nineteenth century. Dynner presents Hasidism as a socioreligious phenomenon that was shaped in crucial ways by its Polish context. His social historical analysis dispels prevailing romantic notions about Hasidism.


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Despite their folksy image, the movement's charismatic leaders are revealed as astute populists who proved remarkably adept at securing elite patronage, neutralizing powerful opponents, and methodically co-opting Jewish institutions. The book also reveals the full spectrum of Hasidic devotees, from humble shtetl dwellers to influential Warsaw entrepreneurs. You just clipped your first slide!

Glenn Dynner

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Men of Silk The Hasidic Conquest of Polish Jewish Society

Zipperstein eds. Essays in Honour of Chimen Abramsky, London: — GD: By "captive" I mean that Jews were not allowed to own land, for the most part. The fear was, way back in the Middle Ages when Jews were first being admitted to Polish lands, that they would buy everything out, buy out Poland. And so they can't really become land owners.

They can't really attain nobility in most cases. There's a limit to the occupations they can pursue.

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Only trade, crafts, lease-holding. Also, where else are Jews going to move to? There are all kinds of restrictions placed on Jewish residence throughout Europe. Eventually America becomes a safety valve.

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But, for the most part, Jews are kind of stuck in Eastern Europe. But they're not just stuck, they like it there, because they have a way of making a living, of being relatively secure and prosperous. But they can't enter the professions.

Men of Silk

They can't become ennobled. They can't become farmers in the sense of owning vast tracts of land. They're limited in what they can pursue, and that's why I use the term "captive. RN: After the partitions of Poland in the late eighteenth century, Jewish tavernkeeping came under increasing attack by reformist forces in the government. What was the critique? GD: If you just take their word for it, it's that the more the nobility takes this grain and turns it into vodka, and sells it to its peasantry, the more drunkenness becomes a problem.

They didn't call it "alcoholism" back then. It hurts productivity, it ruins families economically—it's an epidemic problem. So who are they going to blame? They blame the Jewish tavernkeeper. But if you dig a little deeper you realize that these taverns were much more than just taverns. They were hotels, restaurants, stores, banks.

The Jewish tavernkeeper would often offer medical remedies and mediate conflicts. Jews were in a position of real power—not in the same way as the nobleman, who actually owns the tavern, but still, they have relative power. And it's lucrative, and as liquor trade increases in importance, having the members of an out-group in such a central position rubs people the wrong way. And so a lot of the outcry occurs as these taverns are becoming more lucrative.

That's probably the reason why the reform-minded nobility, in alliance with tsarist officials and their Polish representatives in the kingdom of Poland, begin to legislate, decreeing special fees, restrictions, and finally, bans on Jewish tavernkeeping.

Men of silk the hasidic conquest of polish jewish society

RN: So Jewish tavernkeeping went a little bit underground in the nineteenth century? GL: Yes. And the fascinating thing is that the Jewish tavernkeeper is so crucial to the local economy and so embedded in the local society that the local nobility and the other local Christians would help conceal and protect the Jewish tavernkeeper. They covered for him. They did so in all kinds of interesting ways: the Christians served as fronts for these taverns, they lied to state officials who came in and investigated.

They had all kinds of ways of circumventing what they saw as state intrusion on what by then was a very traditional way of life. So you can see that the system basically works at the local level. It's kind of an integration.


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  • It's not social integration, but it's definitely economic integration. You can't have an underground liquor trade without the complete support and encouragement of the local nobility and local Christians. Everybody is covering: it's kind of an open secret. But they do their part in ensuring that this Jewish liquor trade is able to continue. That's what I found so fascinating and surprising. Most historians who just had read the legislation and took it at face value seemed to be oblivious to the fact that Poland's economy, essentially, which was so dominated by the liquor trade, was virtually underground.

    At least its service sector was. RN: There do seem to be a lot of myths associated with Jewish tavernkeeping. And then, in your book, you set out to debunk another myth that Jewish tavernkeeping was largely a thing of the past as early as the mid-nineteenth century. So how and why did that last misconception develop? GD: It's propagated first by state officials who want to convince themselves that the "problem" has been solved. They're willing to turn a blind eye in order to sustain that assertion.

    The problem is, when the first generation of historians begins looking at this in the early twentieth century, they buy into it, too. They believe the officials and the idea that tavernkeeping had died out supports their own, largely Marxist inclinations. Tavernkeeping is seen as part of the old, feudal system, as an emblem of backwardness.


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