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• Authors overstate importance of Canada's 1911 federal election
• Canada 1911: The Decisive Election that Shaped the Country.
• ‎Canada on Apple Books
• Should the Australian Electoral System be Changed?

Source: Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. While attending high school in nearby Brampton, young Frank was apprenticed as a printer with a local newspaper. He was soon promoted to assistant foreman of the composing room. Expecting rapid development of the northwestern agricultural frontier, he and a friend bought eight ox-carts in the summer of , loaded them with trade goods, and began walking. At Battleford Sask. There he pitched his tent and set up a store close to the company fort.

Each summer Oliver made the long round trip to Winnipeg to obtain supplies for his store: groceries, hardware, dry goods, and clothing. After the arrival of the telegraph at Edmonton in , operator Alexander Taylor began to circulate to subscribers a handwritten bulletin containing the news he received each week from Winnipeg. Taylor left the business to farm near Fort Saskatchewan in the spring of , and Oliver shut down the paper for the summer. During his annual visit to Winnipeg he married Harriet Dunlop, whose brother Alexander, then a printer at the Free Press , agreed to be his new partner in the Bulletin.

The start of construction on the Canadian Pacific Railway that year prompted an economic boom in Edmonton. An enlarged and improved Bulletin appeared at the end of October, and Oliver seemed poised to profit handsomely from his shop and newspaper. The real-estate market collapsed, his store failed, he had to let his newspaper staff go, and Dunlop returned to Winnipeg. Oliver took naturally to the politics of grievance, objecting, for example, to land laws that left original settlers as squatters without title and favoured newcomers and large speculators.

In , after Edmonton was made an electoral district, he became the second elected member of the Council of the North-West Territories, where appointees still predominated. The council, like its successor, the Legislative Assembly, was largely non-partisan and constituency-oriented, though most members identified themselves as Liberals or Conservatives. Such men the free air of the North West breeds.

His most constructive work as a councillor led in to the first territorial school ordinance. Despite his personal preference for a single education system and complete separation of church and state, Oliver worked with the Roman Catholics to create a structure that provided for separate Protestant and Catholic schools, as required under the North-West Territories Act of In his editorials Oliver went on berating Ottawa and demanding responsible government for the North-West Territories. He won a seat in the newly established Legislative Assembly in Three years later the federal government made the assembly wholly elective and gave it limited powers to run local affairs.

Until that principle is firmly established legislation by the assembly on any subject may be rendered useless. Despite his claims of tolerance, he favoured abolishing the official status of the French language in the territories. He also advocated restricting denominational control of schools while increasing government supervision, thus undermining the principles of the ordinance.

Oliver endorsed the prohibition of alcohol and western demands for larger federal subsidies. In he persuaded the assembly to adopt the secret ballot for elections. At a convention in Calgary in early , the Liberals nominated Oliver as their federal candidate for the District of Alberta; he, however, insisted that he was running as an independent. Frank Oliver descended on Ottawa as a dramatic contrast to his nearly invisible predecessor, Donald Watson Davis, the Conservative representative of the ranching and business elites in the southern part of the district.

Imbued with prairie populism, Oliver embraced themes that long resonated with Albertans. The territorial convention of non-partisanship was the product not only of dependency upon the federal government but also of the perception that all forms of politics were essentially local. Oliver emphasized that, as an independent Liberal, his support for the Laurier ministry was contingent on its satisfying those concerns. Oliver was determined to set his own stamp on his departments. The act of discriminated in part on the basis of social standing: first-class passengers were not considered immigrants, while those travelling second-class and steerage were and fell under the provisions of the legislation.

Canada remained hostile to newcomers of colour. Built on the Johns Hopkins University Campus. This website uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. Without cookies your experience may not be seamless. Institutional Login. LOG IN. The Canadian Historical Review.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content: Reviewed by:. Is Canadian political history making a comeback? If you would like to authenticate using a different subscribed institution that supports Shibboleth authentication or have your own login and password to Project MUSE. Additional Information. After all, he called the most devoted of war supporters hate mongers possessing short-sighted minds who, if they could, would have God himself in their armies.

These are his fellow Canadians. Neither side was willing to admit the other could be correct. The legitimacy of his analyses of these peace proposals, as insightful as they may have been, often suffered from the anger they revealed. For a man supposedly trying to bring about peace, his tone was decidedly belligerent.

Canada 1911: The Decisive Election that Shaped the Country.

Lansdowne, former Governor-General of Canada, as well as the former leader of the Conservative Party in the House of Lords, had an illustrious career in the service of Britain. Even before the letter had been released, it had an impact on British politics. For the most part, the letter and Lansdowne himself were widely condemned, though it did influence those already deliberating over peace negotiations.

The first portion of his article reminded his readers of this intention and linked it to arguments the Pope had already expressed. Peace to Bourassa meant the immediate cessation of hostilities and killing by both sides and did not include any other considerations. Lansdowne presented five points that would encourage Germany to accept a peace.

He believed that reassuring Germany that defeat did not mean destruction, politically or economically, would make them more amenable to negotiations. Just as the Allies had rejected losing the war through the peace terms of , Germany now refused to consider a peace that amounted to an Allied victory. Nevertheless, whether he was a knowing prophet or an unwilling instigator, his words did not endear him to English Canadians.

As a devout Catholic thinker, Bourassa continued to rely heavily on Papal discourse regarding the war. His religion was a crucial component of all his ideas and judgements on the peace proposals.

For a dedicated Roman Catholic such as Bourassa, Pope Benedict XV was not only the inspiration for his ideas, but the spiritual and intellectual leader who shepherded his religious beliefs. Della Chiesa had only been a cardinal for six months, after serving as Bishop of Bologna for seven years, though he had had a long career of diplomatic posts within the Vatican. Few outside of Rome had heard of him, but as his biographer writes, of all the papal candidates in the Conclave, it was Della Chiesa who was the most papabile. The publication of the Treaty of London by the Russians after the fall of the tsar in certainly encouraged this view.

His failure to bring about a resolution to World War I was not through lack of trying. From September onwards, the Vatican commented on and engaged with each of the belligerent powers in its efforts to stop the war. Pope Benedict XV argued that the war would only end when just and fair arbitration took precedence over the force of arms.

His underlying philosophy was that participation or support for the war was a sin for his followers or believers in any moral code. Bourassa agreed wholeheartedly. He condemned those who fought and proclaimed the superiority of their civilization and morality. He raged at the insincerity of his opponents, who would claim one thing and do another. Papal notes throughout the war lamented the lack of progress towards peace. The claim stemmed from detractors in Canada and Great Britain who attacked Benedict XV after he began to appeal for peace early on in the war.

Nonetheless, Bourassa remained optimistic that a true peace was possible by paying heed to the reasoned and moral voice of the Pope. Whether the war ended in victory or defeat, the cost of thousands of lives every day was outrageous to the religious man. The chance to end the war was a profoundly ethical issue for Bourassa. His visceral reaction was always one rooted in his analysis of events, his Catholic faith, and his confidence in Pope Benedict XV. If Bourassa found them wanting, and he often did, he did not hesitate to attack them.

It was more than a matter of political importance. Though his religious nationalism certainly formed the core of his moral values and political beliefs, the devout French Canadian seemed ethically obliged to question why the war could not be ended. To evade such questions would be morally dishonest. Despite his moral indignation that the war was allowed to continue, Bourassa did not allow himself to forget the real political implications of war and peace on the international stage. In early , Bourassa published a series of articles critically interrogating the diplomacy behind the Great War.

He introduced the series with an editorial that stemmed from his new book, L e pape arbitre de la paix. In it, Bourassa examined one of the chief justifications for the war: the protection of Belgium. It was ludicrous he argued, that heads of state could purport that the only resolution to the conflict was through their force of arms.

The Allies also faced difficult circumstances at home and on the battlefield. The terms of a peace aside, two greater threats endangered the world of famine and revolution. Continuing to fight the war to achieve security and power was at best idealistic and at worst suicidal. By , the war was stretching the morale and cohesion of the nations involved. The spectre of Russian civil war loomed, and the belligerent countries risked devastation that might prevent them from fighting any war, let alone the Great War.

For instance, English-speaking Catholics used the war as a tool to further emphasize their difference from French Canadian Catholics. The result was a careful balance between wishing to prove their loyalty to Britain and maintaining sympathy with their fellow Catholics. The outspoken Archbishop campaigned fiercely against conscription and it was rejected three times by Australians during the war. Gallagher clarifies. Rather, he argued for a peaceful resolution to the European war while denouncing those who refused to consider peace even as a viable option.

He effectively situated himself as neutral within an older context of neutrality, stemming from the nineteenth century.