Asian American Studies After Critical Mass

Asian American Studies After Critical Massis a dynamic collection that showcases the most exciting scholarship in the field from a critical and cultural studies.
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There are items available. Please enter a number less than or equal to Select a valid country. Please enter up to 7 characters for the postcode. This item doesn't post to Russian Federation. Census Bureau defines the Midwest comprising of twelve states: This unwelcoming image translates to a chilly campus climate for Asian American students and faculty at higher education institutions in the Midwest.

Asian American faculty often faced intellectual isolation, defined as dissatisfaction with their physical distance from library archives, communities of color, and other scholars in their field. Sometimes, faculty were the only Asian Americans within their department. Other times, they were the only faculty member who was teaching AAS courses and felt pressure not only to teach but also to mentor the growing number of Asian American students in their university.

Asian American students growing up in the Midwest report experiencing forms of isolationism that affects their self-perceptions and interactions with others. Most Asian American students reported growing up in predominantly white neighborhoods in the Midwest, and sometimes being the only one of a handful of students of color at school. The second paradigm that frames unique challenges for Midwest AAS programs is invisibility, which is defined as little to no resources from Midwestern institutions and limited research focus by national AAS scholarship.

At the institutional level, Midwest AAS advocates were frustrated with the invisibility in both the standard American history and their university administration despite being a significant proportion of the minority student population on campus. Within the CIC, Asian American enrollment ranged from percent of their student population in the s. Particularly Midwestern Asian Americans find it difficult to relate to historical events that occurred in the West Coast. This inability to understand what it means to be Asian American within a predominantly white region can be perceived as political passivity.

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IUB Asian Americans activists faced the same two paradigms of invisibility and isolation on their own campus. Not only were they excluded from minority-serving scholars and programs, Asian Americans had no institutional support system in place to address their needs and concerns. In addition, IUB offered little Asian American cultural programs and no academic courses that helped Asian American students learn about Asian American history, literature, and political identity. As a result, many racial incidents were not reported to the institution thereby upholding a culture of political passivity among Asian Americans.

In , the U. Commission on Civil Rights conducted a study to investigate and heighten public awareness of the broad range of civil rights issues facing Asian Americans. Americans believed that Asian Americans were not discriminated against in the U. A prominent civil rights issue that Asian Americans faced was their inconsistent status as nonminorities in higher education.


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The most prominent example is the Regents of the University of California v. One of the reasons to why Asian American students were not categorized as underrepresented minorities was their significant proportional representation on-campus. The Bloomington Faculty Council BFC , an elective body that holds legislative authority in defining the admissions and retention of students on campus 28 , created a campus policy that determined minority status from state ethnic group statistics.

Therefore, they, on the whole, do not need any special assistance as a group. She affirmed that Asian Americans have the highest academic rankings and graduation rates among IUB minority groups and did not commonly face the same financial challenges in terms for paying for college. Consequently, there is very little sympathy for them when considering special programs. Asian American faculty members were not included on the minority recruitment list despite being identified as one of the five racial groups under the U.

Therefore, it is questionable even on legal grounds whether we could take special means to recruit them. The majority of the faculty was predominantly white.

Asian American Studies Now! Documentary (Re-edited 2012)

Commission on Civil Rights named the exclusion of Asian American in faculty and high-level administrator positions an overt discriminatory practice in higher education. This lack of Asian American faculty and administrative representation was apparent to IUB Asian American students, who were frustrated with the absence of Asian American role models and campus advocates. Despite, being the second largest minority group on campus in , Asian American students did not have a designated Asian American advocacy dean. The July case involved David Jung, a Bloomington resident and IUB student, who was physically attacked and called racial slurs by two local teenagers.

Following the attack, Jung reported the incident to the racial incidence team in the Dean of Students office but was not able to successfully try his two assailants. These two racial incidents connected to a larger issue of the lack of educational opportunities for Asian Americans. IUB offered little Asian American cultural programs and no registered academic courses.

In , at the very first general mass meeting of the Asian American Association, the Dean of Students Michael Gordon called attention to the Asian American political passivity on campus. He urged them to stand up for their rights and to report racial incidents on campus. Out of total racial incidents collected by the IUB Racial Incidents Team from September through June , there were only 32 cases of racial incidents against Asian Americans reported to the university. If students wanted to officially report an incident with the university, they needed to file through multiple administrative offices and to their designated advocacy deans who represented their respective racial groups.

In an attempt to understand the racial climate for Asian Americans, faculty and students conducted surveys to capture Asian American students experience on campus. Over the years, the results were comparable to other minority groups on campus in which Asian Americans felt unsupported by the administration. This social movement at IUB spans almost 20 years, and can be defined by three specific periods: Asian American activists is a term that I use throughout this paper because it is the most inclusive term for everyone who advocated for an AAS program.

In the beginning of the social movement, student activists both Asian Americans and non-Asian Americans created a unified pan-ethnic community and defined their four major goals: Along the way, these student activists found allies and supporters among the ranks of faculty and administrators. Thus, Asian American activists include students, faculty, and staff as all of them have an impact and influence on helping the achievement of the outcomes of the social movement. From , the social movement started by student-initiated cultural programming to combat the institutional exclusion and Asian American political passivity.

The university offered little to no academic courses and designated space such as cultural centers , cultural programming, resources or literature focused on the Asian American population and issues. Thus, they could not rely on ethnic and political organizations to teach them about Asian American consciousness and political strategies that activists had during the Third World Strike of This period of the social movement is characteristically student-driven with few Asian American faculty to guide them.

Rather it was a small group of Asian American students who fundraised, organized, and ran these social, cultural, and academic programs. Because IUB offered little to no institutional support for Asian American students, students created their own community first through the founding of their own student organizations. They used these platforms to defend themselves against Asian American stereotypes as well as their exclusion from campus racial discussions, minority programming and funding. As a result of this student-initiated cultural programming, Asian American activists created a rich and complex community network that provided the necessary momentum to advocate for their social movement goals of an AAS program.

With Asian American students feeling alienated, neglected, and excluded by the IUB administration, they created their own student organizations that focused on Asian American and ethnic Asian concerns.

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There was also one Asian interest sorority, Kappa Delta Gamma. Within campus environment research, subcultures are defined as distinct systems that are formed by a subset of members. These subcultures consist of norms, beliefs, values, and assumptions that are different than the dominant culture of the university.

Socially, these student organizations initiated a network of informal and formal activities to learn about their political consciousness, educate the greater IUB population about Asian American issues, and to advocate for their social movement outcomes. Informal activities were the foundation of building a cohesive and unified Asian American community. Asian American activists also organized formal activities during this period that included academic programming to help them learn about their racial history and to educate the campus about Asian American issues.

Asian American student organizations hosted discussion panels and group film watches to examine Asian American stereotypes and current issues. Student organizations such as the Asian American Association created and even curated their own Asian American literature. For example, the Asian American Association wrote and self-published newsletters named Bridging the Gap.

Written by Asian American members, the newsletter publicized club events and editorials on current Asian American issues. One of the most important academic and cultural event was the Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month, which first started in Entirely student-run, this month of events were particularly important because it was one of the first large-scale and coordinated events that brought the multiple Asian student organizations together to enhance campus awareness of Asian American issues as well as promoting cultural understanding among all ethnic groups.

He also knew the importance of collaborating with other student organizations to coordinate such a large-scale event. Smaller events such as their coffee hours focused on Asian American issues such as providing alternative representations of the model minority stereotype. Asian American students read poetry, performed skits, and played musical instruments to challenge the one-dimensional stereotype that Asian Americans only study medicine and science. Eight Asian American student organizations collaborated to publicize, cook food, and choreograph traditional as well as modern dances.

Another poignant large-scale event at the first Heritage Month was inviting the Here and Now Acting Troupe to perform on campus. The collegiate, 14 member Los Angeles-based Asian American troupe drew nearly students to the show. The success of the first Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage month in prompted student organizations to make it an annual tradition. The second and third Heritage Month, in and respectively, drew more than IUB students, faculty, and staff. Aside from creating their own cultural programming, Asian American activists also learned about their political consciousness and history through a decentralized, small network of courses offered by Asian American graduate instructors within traditional academic disciplines.

The second course focused on Chinese American literature and was taught by Eugene Eoyang, a faculty member in the Comparative Literature department as well as the advisor for the Asian American Association. Coupled with student-initiated programming and courses, Asian American activists began to publicly voice their opinions against the invisibility of Asian Americans on campus and their exclusion from institutional policies through campus publications.

It was first established in to address low college attendance rates among underrepresented students at IUB. Other students wrote Opinion Editorial pieces in the student newspaper addressing their experiences of not being allowed to apply for minority programming and funding. Others such as Asian American student and president of the Asian American Association, Joon Park, voiced their political identity artistically.

From , these 19 Asian American student organizations and sorority served as an emerging community that took initiative to create their own cultural and academic programming when the university had none. Their student-initiated programming seemed to be successful drawing hundreds sometimes thousands of IUB students, faculty, staff, and community members to their events. Despite their success of initiating their own programming, academic courses, and publications, Asian American activists realized that they needed stability and permanence in the IUB Asian American community.

They recognized that student leadership within the student organizations changed yearly. Upperclassmen with the historical knowledge of past Asian American activist efforts and the institutional savvy eventually graduated, and incoming freshmen and sophomores had to redouble their advocacy efforts again. The student organizations also had a few advocates among the faculty and staff who supported their advocacy efforts. However, Asian American activists recognized that their advocacy efforts needed to go beyond themselves.

Thus, the next period marks the second phase of the AAS movement where multiple Asian American student organizations unified into a pan-ethnic effort. In addition, they combined with multi-racial groups to gain critical mass to officially push for their social movement goals: The period of to focused on gaining a critical mass to navigate institutional racism within a complex university administration. IUB Asian American activists formed multi-level and crossracial alliances within other ethnic Asian student groups as well as student groups such as the student government who had direct ties or at least a platform to talk to campus decision makers.

IUB administration were also drawn by nationwide media coverage of ethnic studies strikes at Princeton, Columbia, and Northwestern University. Asian American activists at IUB followed a similar path of tactics as these national social movements. They gained critical mass of support by unifying the Asian American community and creating strategic relationships with multi-racial student organizations. With a larger critical mass of supporters, Asian American activists were able to draw attention from IUB administrators to seriously consider their demands. In , there was a short-lived social movement to rally for a designated cultural center and an advocacy dean led by Mona Wu, then president of the Asian American Association student organization, and two other members.

They wrote and interviewed IUB administrators, gathered statistics, and distributed surveys to Asian American students asking if they felt discriminated on campus and if they would support the hiring of an advocacy dean. The social movement failed not only because of timing, but it could not gather enough support for the social movement outcomes. Asian American activists did not undertake the social movement outcomes again until when student organizations shifted towards an Asian American pan-ethnic outlook.

Pan-ethnicity is when different ethnic groups merge into a common culture as a means to increase political and social power when faced with racial discrimination. Similarly, the IUB pan-ethnic Asian American identity was founded because the various student organizations banded together to fight against stereotypes and misconceptions by collaborating on informal and formal activities established from through There has not been much cooperation or communication between the different IUB Asian and Asian American student groups in the past. However, we have seen that in the past, our collaborative efforts have drawn very positive responses from the IU community, during Asian American Heritage Month, for example, the event that is most well attended is the one in which all the groups have worked together.


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We want to continue to contribute to the IU community as a group. Those six years of collaborating on events strengthened friendships but also sparked a unified political identity, something that was missing in the failed social movement. Specifically, the Asian Student Union aimed to organize student efforts to achieve long-term social movement goals that had originally failed in and As long as we have interested students, we can overcome any challenges.

In hosting this conference, dedicated students at IU are making a statement that Asians and Asian Americans are a unified community. We are working to make positive changes such as establishing an Asian culture center and an Asian American studies program. These changes are mutually beneficial to academic institutions and to the community as a whole.

Drawing nearly attendees from 25 Midwestern public and private universities, the IUB Asian American community demonstrated to the IUB administration that they had a unified Asian American community and the support of a regional body of Asian American activists. Evidence also suggests that cross-racial collaboration aided Asian American activists in fulfilling their social movement outcomes. Asian American activists did this by recognizing that other minority student groups had similar social movement goals.

Thus, Asian American activists combined their social movement goals with other minority groups on campus to present a unified agenda to IUB administration. The proposals were sent to a faculty committee focused on strategic directions. This network of cross-racial collaboration serendipitously developed when forming the Asian American sorority, Kappa Delta Gamma.

Asian American Studies After Critical Mass

As part of the governance structure at IUB, to be an officially recognized sorority, a new sorority needed to be part of a Greek Council. There were three existing Greek Councils on campus that represented mainstream fraternities and sororities as well as well-established African American Greek houses. However, Wu felt that the new Asian interest sorority did not fit under the mission of three existing Greek Councils.

It was through this process as well as her time working on the student newspaper where she met representatives from other minority student groups who were advocating parallel demands as Asian American activists. Historically, Asian Americans did not reach out to these student groups but the timing was right. All of their social movement goals were similar such that they wanted IUB administration to make reforms to make the campus more welcoming for students of color.

The student government body was the main organization that divided student fees, collected from tuition, to provide funding for the hundreds of student organizations on campus. In addition, Indiana University Student Association, particularly the President of the student body, have representatives sitting on the Bloomington Faculty Council as well as other administrative and faculty committees. Because of its direct channels to campus decision-makers, a relationship with the Indiana University Student Association was a political one as well. For Asian American activists, their relationship with the student government started as early as From , Indiana University Student Government passed multiple proposals to support an Asian American advocacy dean and brought the proposals to the attention of the Bloomington Faculty Council.

The Indiana University Student Association agreed to fund the project because the organization believed its role in increasing cultural awareness.

HISTORY ARCHIVE

However, not all student government cabinets supported the diverse needs of the student population. With the help of these minority leaders and other student groups on campus, the Moats-Moor-Skomp-Bhimani presidential ticket won the academic year. They also wanted a student body president and the cabinet to represent the interest of the minority student populations on campus. Following the student body election, the Moats-Moor-Skomp-Bhimani upheld their promise.