Une vie intra-muros (FICTION) (French Edition)

Intra Muros (French Edition) [virginie MARIE] on leondumoulin.nl Intra Muros alterne le récit de la vie de Laura avant et après son accident, permettant au lecteur.
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They opened my heart. No, that time they opened the heart of the land itself, the heart of the earth and of a river. In this multi-layered quote, the hero conflates the act of tilling the ground with a medical operation — the extraction of his own heart. In this image, the immigrant, his labor, his country — everything except his confused conscience— is reduced to a violated body.

As in a gruesome medical procedure, the heart — metaphorical seat of one's life, one's story and one's meaning — is gouged out from all of these bodies. In much of the experiences of first-generation immigrants, the heart of the matter is excised from these immigrant texts; all that is left is the materiality of their bodies, bodies of labor. In this series of socio-anthropological interviews, Benguigui offers an excellent overview of the concerns facing these "fathers," as she terms them.

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As manual laborers, first-generation immigrants worked long hours in strenuous, physically demanding jobs and often lived in unsanitary housing conditions. If they became ill or injured, they rarely had recourse to medical care, disability compensation, or benefits, as labor unions were either not open to foreigners or were only just being founded. Most lived with the fixed idea of return Benguigui, , pp. Their relationship to language was also precarious; many were illiterate and therefore essentially mute in the public forum , pp. Strikingly, the interviews point the physical suffering these laborers incurred because of their working conditions.

At the time of the interviews, as older men, they were all broken, discarded bodies of labor. We observe men whose bodies are gnawed by silicose and deafness Benguigui, p. With few workers' rights, pension disability insurance, unions or strikes p. Yet, despite their many hardships, most of these immigrants chose not to exhibit their wounds of immigration, especially to their children Benguigui, p. As one explained, he did not want his children to develop hatred towards their country, but rather to become good, happy citizens p.

Many allude to the image of the utopian male body that is strong and resistant to pain, and most agreed that their self-worth, status, and identity is defined wholly by work. This interviewee makes this self-definition clear, when referring to the day he was forced to retire:. For these first-generation immigrants, "integration" seems directly related to labor. It reproduces the traditional model of immigrant success, the progressive capitalist myth of "poor boy makes good", that through honest, hard work, immigrants would succeed as citizens.

The broken bodies of these immigrant workers reflect the failure of this success story and point to the dehumanization and exploitation of labor within the economy. In Maghrebi immigrant fiction, "fathers" are rarely given a chance to speak at length as they are in Benguigui's interviews. In order to create a composite sketch of "fathers" in Maghrebi immigrant literature, I combine two sources of immigrant fiction: The term "Beur", derived from immigrant slang called verlan, is used to refer to second- or third-generation Maghrebian immigrants, or children of working-class North African immigrant parents, who were born or schooled in France.

A careful examination of first-generation Bildungroman immigrant novels reveals many of the same themes as in Benguigui's interviews — illiteracy, poor housing conditions, and, ultimately, injury and disability. Many novels also point to the silence and shame that circumscribe the workers' wretched living conditions. The father's shame is largely induced by his inability to be a successful provider for his family. As the story progresses, Selim himself becomes unemployed and slips into similar depression and silence, and throughout the narrative attempts to express his suffering.

Unlike Selim, his father is not given a chance to tell his story, and, largely expunged from the novel, is reduced to shame, silence, and absence — typical attributes of Maghrebi father figure. In most first-generation texts, the many hardships experienced by immigrant workers serve to destabilize the traditional narrative of success. Most novels, such as Le Jardin de L'Intrus by Kamal Zemouri, present dystopic versions of the "poor boy makes good" narrative model.

In Zemouri's text, set in the s, the father's job is the creation of fertilizer from excrement at l'Entreprise de Purification de la Seine p. By the end of the story, the father loses his job, becomes ill and dies, while the mother is condemned to a sanatorium. With the rise of the FLN, the narrator, Lamine, is too terrified to leave his HLM and dreams of returning to Algeria, but figuratively paralyzed, is unable to act.

In early immigrant arrival stories then, illness, injury, and disability serve to put into question successful integration within French society, and draw attention to the exploitation and oppression of Maghrebi workers. Disability makes visible what often remains invisible in social and literary texts— the forgotten role of labor in the Maghrebi experience. Yet, despite their ailments, in these Bildungsroman texts, first-generation immigrants are not constructed as disabled. On the contrary, despite dire conclusions, even the most dystopic arrival stories describe the valiant efforts of immigrant workers, who, despite their sacrificial wounds, are portrayed as a heroic, albeit doomed figures.

Intriguingly, in some first-generation novels, disability designates a coveted locus of possibility — a means of escaping or evading the system of labor. In this case, the father was hoping for a leave of absence or at least compensation for his illness. Said claims to know people who put one of their hands under a pile of bricks or even cut off a hand just to receive such compensation. In these cases, an injury offers immigrant workers a means by which to transcend their working status and attain a different identity, albeit the identity of a sick individual. In a chapter of Double Absence devoted exclusively to the prevalence of injury among sick immigrant workers, Abdelmalek Sayad posits a similar hypothesis: Injuries offer immigrant workers a means of engaging with social discourse.

As Sayad explains, in the social sphere immigrant workers are largely ignored as corps-labeur, "labor-bodies" , p. Sickness, injury, and mutilation, however, force the medical institution to take notice and treat their sufferings.

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Financial or social institutions are often also implicated as they must offer immigrants compensation for their injuries, largely incurred because of socio-economic or labor exploitation. Immigrants must often wrangle with medical and social institutions to make them aware of the severity of their injuries, and so are compelled to express their experiences in the public forum. Instead, immigrant workers often take up a sick status means to resist their marginalization in society and their objectification as mere bodies of labor. What is more, disability compensation offers them a means of reparation for past ills, and sometimes even assures them a more financially stable and work-free future.

As Sayad sums up,. As Sayad intimates, such "sick maneuvering", or the appropriation of disability as a locus of possibility, might be viewed as scandalous, abnormal, and pathological — freakish — in mainstream French society. The representation of disability in arrival stories of first generation immigrants might also seem freak-like to the general French readership — as injury signals a locus of possibility, both literally and figuratively.

On one level, injuries enable immigrant workers to fight for compensation for their hard work, and sometimes disability insurance grants them a means of exiting the labor force. On a metaphorical level, disability also bears numerous possible connotations about the immigrant condition. It serves to disable the traditional narrative of success and facile immigrant integration. It emphasizes the immigrant's role as that of a productive, undamaged object of labor. It points to the immigrants' vulnerability in the economic system, and their exclusion, invisibility, and marginalization in social discourse, even when normal, healthy, able-bodied workers.

In these literary examples, the appropriation of disability in many ways functions as a means of "flaunting the narrative prosthesis" in literary and social texts, to refer to a theory proposed by Mitchell and Snyder , p. A "textual prosthesis", much like a prosthetic device, Mitchell and Snyder argue, seeks "to return the incomplete body to the invisible status of a normative essence" p.

Here, as immigrants flaunt their injuries, they exhibit the various 'social prostheses' that render their exploitation and marginalization normative and invisible. In Beur texts, I argue, disability functions quite differently -- it is no longer a locus of possibility, but rather, of impossibility.

A walking vegetable, the father cannot articulate his own condition, and remains silent throughout the novel. Were it not for his son's intervention, the father would be wholly absent from the novel; however, Mehdi must pick him up at the local bar, because he is too drunk to find his way home.

When not completely drunk, the father is depicted as inertly watching TV. The disabled father thus embodies many of the stereotypical representations of fathers in Beur novels — absence, silence, and debauchery. In Beur novels, fathers are often reified as absent, reduced to silence, and readily related to dissolute actions. In Charef's text, the father's disability emphatically calls attention to the father's degenerated role in the family unit and his diminished capacity in the social sphere. Clearly the disabled father is no longer an authority figure; on the contrary, he is likened to a meek child: Furthermore, the location of the father's injury — on the head — is also not concidental.

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Neuropsychiatrist Jarret notices that Maghrebi workers often express their psychic pain through the head, by feigning headaches, vertigo and theatrical falls , p. Jarret attributes this focus on the head, as their difficulty of transitioning from "using their muscles" to "using their brains," and their loss of authority as the "head of the household" and "source of tradition" p. On one hand then, the father's disabled condition may be viewed as an evasion or escape from family responsibilities, which then befall on the children.

On the other hand, it also signals the father's loss of traditional authority and patriarchal power. In Beur texts, then, the visible father-cripple epitomizes the intergenerational perspective on Maghrebi fathers — absence, silence, irresponsibility, impotence, and powerlessness. Rendered invisible, though, is the father's role as a worker; that part of the father's life-story is amputated in this disabling stereotype.

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Clearly though, the father is silent and absent only because he is brain-damaged as a result of a work injury. He turns to alcoholism and inactivity only because he has no possibilities for gainful employment when injured. He has no role in the family or in society because there is seemingly no agency possible for disabled people in his social and familial environment.

In some cases, the father's entire life-story, and indeed the fate of his entire family, is wholly conflated with his injury. A scene from Tassidit Imache's Une fille sans histoire , where the family gathers around the father when he returns home with a sling, nicely epitomizes this stereotypical perspective. Here the father's wound becomes the locus of knowledge and identity, both about the father and the family unit.

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And they had all leaned in over his hand. Their heads had never been so close. A state of immobility had seized them all] p.


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In this significant moment, the family seems to grasp its future of collective immobility. The wound signals the ineffable — their fear of an uncertain future, financial instability and the loss of a paternal authority figure. What may feel effortless is not, of course, and in Home Sweet Maison, Danielle Postel-Vinay shares what she has learned about the French art of making a home. Through a transformative friendship with a Frenchwoman who mentored her in the good life, her marriage to a Parisian man, and years of immersive research while living in France, Postel-Vinay learned the true essence of how the French live la belle vie.

Sophisticated, charming, and aspirational, Home Sweet Maison is a unique look at how the French view their most intimate spaces, family life, and themselves. With touches of history and how-to, Postel-Vinay explains the life-changing benefits of introducing French traditions and practices into your home. You may personalize the entrance to your apartment, make your dining room the soul of your home, or create a kitchen space that moves with the efficiency of a four-star restaurant, but more important, Home Sweet Maison shows that anyone, with any kind of living space, can create a sanctuary; a home filled with warmth and self-expression, better suited to living a rich, full, connected life.

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