Fascism is a form of radical authoritarian ultranationalism, characterized by dictatorial power, .. Though Fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's.
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Consequently they limit their activity, not to a struggle against the State, but against the counter-revolutionarv precautions, against the repression. They do not recognise that the converging social partners are, directiy or indirectiy, consciously or unconsciousiy strengthening the police State and and its ideological, political and legislative prop - modem fascism.
In these terms this "difference" can appear anodyne, derisory. On the contrary it exemplifies the ideologies of opportunism and adventurism, often the two together. Actually the supporters of the fascisation argument are claiming that if we are faced with modem fascism then it is necessary to create a front with the left and the ultra-left in order to challenge it and which would involve the grass roots, as the Comintern had done in the period when there were authentic communist parties, not to speak of the base area formed by the USSR, which in the face of, fascism assumed a brutal form.
It is not the case today that the principal question of opposing fascism is to prepare to assume leadership of a United Front, it is a question of the Party. The adherents of fascisation put off the appointed day with the excuse that it is necessary to win the masses over before building a Party.
In fact it is necessary for links to be built with the masses in struggle led by the Party and to learn with them the fusion of theory and practice. They lament the absence ofa Party but refuse to go to the masses under the Maoist banner contrary to those communists and Maoists who preceded us and who built the vanguard parties of their day.
Finally, they are all for a lining up in a front, without the Party, behind reformists of every hue in the event of an imminent fascist danger, or what passed for it when Le Pen raised his head. Then the leaders of the parties and unions, together with opportunist organisations called for a vote for Chirac, in the absence of a revolutionary perspective. Certainly a front against repression is useful but it can onlv bear fruit with a revolutionarv perspective and that is the one element in a United Front that cannot exist without the leadership of the Partv.
Neo-fascism - Wikipedia
Others argue that Sarkozy is not the incarnation of modem fascism, which we have never said. They see Sarkozy representing the industrial bourgeoisie in a struggle against the financial bourgeoisie.
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Well, that way is usually this: And then therefore excluding those scapegoats from the economy altogether, just as laws were passed to first expropriate, take the possessions of, Jews, and then to push them into ghettoes, then into labour camps, and then, finally, terribly, into atrocity.
The less undesirables, the fewer subhumans there are, the more there is of the failed crop for the chosen few, who are usually those of some kind of mythical pure blood. Either way, the point remains. But it is a way to solve a problem nonetheless, and until we understand that, we have understood precisely nothing about it at all. Now, the some that take are of course always more powerful, and those that are forced to give are usually, therefore, perfectly logically, the least powerful and most vulnerable of all.
Remember the media telling everyone to dismiss the possibility of fascism, over and over again, during election year? See the media running puff pieces on fascists now, instead of owning up to their first failure, examining it, asking why they were dead wrong? The rest of the world, after World War II, wrote not just hate speech laws, but made it illegal to join Nazi parties, express support for them, write about them, and so on.
The central bank gave up on managing the currency.
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Then there was Chamberlain, and so on. The media across the world was spellbound, and failed to warn properly of the horrors to come.
If none of these things had come to pass, neither, maybe, would have World War II. It had to build new institutions, write a new constitution, restructure the government, have war crimes tribunals, and so on.
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It takes a vacuum. If strong institutions work, fascism is suffocated. Only when there is an absence, a void, of institutions, and the order, prosperity, and growth that they create, can it arise. He is a member of the Labour Party in the UK. Republish our articles for free, online or in print, under Creative Commons licence. The spread of fascism in the s was significantly aided by the fact that liberals and mainstream conservatives failed to take it seriously.
Neo-fascism
Instead, they accommodated and normalised it. The centre right is doing the same today. Brexit, Trump and the far right ascendant across Europe indicate that talk of a right-wing revolutionary moment is not exaggerated. And the French presidential election could be next on the calendar. The shock felt by status-quo liberals and the anguish experienced on the left are matched only by the satisfaction of those on the extreme right that finally they are winning. Now their champions are taking the political mainstream by storm.
And amid the disbelief, heartbreak, and protest, centre-right politicians and commentators seek to normalise and reassure. Even among historians, apparently — as the conservative British writer Niall Ferguson condescended to tell Greek economist Yanis Varoufakis — analogies with the s are made only by the easily confused. Conservative politicians continue to insist that the real news is about the wonderful opportunities ahead.
But that is precisely where the real analogy with Europe in the s and s lies. The circumstances of are indeed very different to those against which militarised party shock troops fought street battles, and monarchists looked for a strong man to capture popular grievances and save them from Bolshevik revolution. But historical circumstances, like individuals, are always unique and unrepeatable.