Rick Perry Quotes - A Texans Take on Abortion, Secession, Vaccination, and Everything in Between

The NOOK Book (eBook) of the Rick Perry Quotes - A Texan's Take on Abortion, Secession, Vaccination, and Everything in Between by Alan.
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That year in the general election, Perry faced a difficult four-way field that included Democratic Congressman Chris Bell, cigar-chomping satirist Kinky Friedman, and Carolyn Keeton Strayhorn, the Republican state comptroller who ran as an independent. But Leininger had the answer.

Along with several other wealthy conservatives, he helped create the Texas Restoration Project. The pastors and their spouses were urged to organize their churches behind Perry; later, as the campaign revved up, they were called upon to get out the vote. At the end of each briefing, Perry offered a sermon.

It seemed nakedly partisan and political. Perry narrowly won re-election with 39 percent of the vote. In , Lane, with financial backing from Leininger and the anti-gay evangelical group American Family Association, began to expand the Restoration Project into politically important states around the country.

Speakers have included several potential presidential contenders and candidates such as Michele Bachmann, Haley Barbour, Newt Gingrich, and Mike Huckabee. This year in Florida, Perry was the featured speaker. O n April 15, , the typically dapper governor of Texas strode onto a makeshift stage outside Austin City Hall wearing an unfamiliar costume—hunting jacket, jeans, boots, and baseball cap—and delivered the most important speech of his life.

110Clubvideoblog Quote on Abortion & video

As the first major American politician to embrace the nascent Tea Party, Perry had found a way to overcome a dangerous challenger, three-term Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, in the Republican primary—and simultaneously to launch himself into the national spotlight. Railing at Washington was nothing new for him; the governor had built his career on opposing government spending. Early this year, perfectly timed to suit his presidential ambitions, came another opportunity to show small-government conservatives he was the real deal.

The deficit was the direct result of a massive property-tax cut Perry championed in Cut taxes, and spending reductions will have to follow. When asked about his governing principles in an interview last year, Perry responded: Texas ties with Mississippi for the top percentage of minimum-wage jobs. Child poverty and hunger, along with incarceration rates, are among the highest. While his Tea Party rhetoric made Perry famous, his leadership of an often overlooked organization—the Republican Governors Association RGA —made him a major player in national Republican circles.

He has been both its finance chair and chair. But under Perry and Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour, the group has become a powerful force tugging Republicans toward the far right. Its ideological mission is reflected in the agendas of its most generous donors: After November, partly thanks to its efforts, the GOP had won back a majority of governorships.

Many of the new governors who benefited from the RGA are Perry disciples: He has always specialized in anger and outrage. He exemplifies a movement that sees no gray areas. Almost everywhere he goes, Perry quotes Ronald Reagan: Moses was this hotheaded murderer who was afraid to speak in public.

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God used him to lead the Israelites to freedom. Paul was a persecutor of Christians; God used him to spread the gospel to the ends of the universe. Now, Perry implied, God was using him to bring his message to earlyst-century America.

The stakes, he said, were clear: The question is gonna be, whose values? During the fall, as Perry floundered, it was easy to forget how many times he has risen from the grave. He was given little chance of winning his first statewide race, against the beloved cowboy populist Jim Hightower; in , running for lieutenant governor, Perry was tied in the polls up to Election Day; a year before his re-election as governor in , Republicans preferred Kay Bailey Hutchison by a seemingly insurmountable margin, 56 percent to 31 percent.

He won them all. Perry also wins because of his fundraising abilities and connections to ideologically driven big donors, which he developed at the Republican Governors Association. His evangelical network has been instrumental in his victories, and clearly Perry hopes the organizing efforts of James Robison and David Lane will boost his chances in the primaries. As Iowans and New Hampshirites are discovering, he small-talks, back-slaps, and baby-kisses his way through a crowd with relish—a quality that will help in the small early-primary states, including South Carolina and Nevada.

Texas governor signs sweeping abortion laws

As Karl Rove was to George W. Carney assembled a team of political scientists, challenging them to throw out the old political playbook. The governor targeted medium-sized towns, where his campaign appearances would receive fawning press and where studies show voters respond to seeing candidates in person.

He used the Internet to create a grassroots campaign in which volunteers promised to sign up more volunteers and pledged to make sure specific numbers of Perry supporters showed up at the polls. Perhaps most important, Carney unleashed—and his candidate single-mindedly executed—a relentless campaign to transform Hutchison, a beloved figure in Texas, into a wishy-washy Washington insider.

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Shortly after she lost to Perry by 21 percentage points—a 46 percentage-point reversal from polls the previous year—Hutchison announced that she would not seek re-election to the Senate in The Texan left Romney red-faced and fuming in Las Vegas and had more money in the bank than any other candidate.

The barrage was about to begin in earnest. Standing still at the podium, Perry clinched his hands prayerfully. As always, his words had the old evangelical fervor.

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Whatever your fears were about Donald Trump being president, chances are he has fulfilled them and more. No matter how bad this presidency gets, administration officials are unlikely to face consequences. They ran against Wall Street and carried the white working class.

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