continues the argument that the labour theory of value produces strong .. from every other social or political force in capitalist society, and qualifies it as the . government may even face counter-revolutionary military force. How were communist ideas to be propagated (What is to be Done, )?.
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- History of the socialist movement in the United States
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- 37e. Eugene V. Debs and American Socialism
- Access Check
- Lenin: Imperialism and the Split in Socialism
Debs was sentenced to ten years in prison and served 32 months until President Warren G. During the war, about half the socialists supported the war, most famously Walter Lippmann. The other half were under attack for obstructing the draft and the Courts held they went beyond the bounds of free speech when they encouraged young men to break the law and not register for the draft. Howard Zinn, historian on the left, says: The courts and jails [were] used to reinforce the idea that certain ideas, certain kinds of resistance, could not be tolerated".
Several groups were formed on the local and national levels to stop the socialists from undermining the draft laws. The American Vigilante Patrol , a subdivision of the American Defense Society , was formed with the purpose "to put an end to seditious street oratory". It eventually claimed it had found 3,, such cases: Foster to expel Foster's former allies, James P. Cannon and Max Shachtman , who were followers of Leon Trotsky. Following another Soviet factional dispute, Lovestone and Gitlow were expelled and Earl Browder became party leader.
Meanwhile, corporations pressured the government to deal with strikes and other disruptions from disgruntled workers. The government felt especially pressured to keep war-related industries running: They appealed to the Seattle Central Labor Council for support from other unions and found widespread enthusiasm.
Within two weeks, more than local unions joined in a call on February 3 for general strike to begin on the morning of February 6. National guardsmen, leaving Gary after federal troops had taken over, turned their anger on strikers in nearby Indiana Harbor, Indiana. An ally of the Socialist Party had been practically destroyed. However, Wilson did recognize a problem with the state of labor in the United States. The Board included an equal number of members from labor and business and included leaders of the AFL.
The War Labor Board was able to "institute the eight-hour day in many industries [ Sweet attacked the Assembly's five Socialist members, declaring they had been "elected on a platform that is absolutely inimical to the best interests of the state of New York and the United States". The Socialist Party, Sweet said, was "not truly a political party", but was rather "a membership organization admitting within its ranks aliens, enemy aliens, and minors".
It had supported the revolutionaries in Germany , Austria and Hungary , he continued; and consorted with international Socialist parties close to the Communist International. A trial in the Assembly, lasting from January 20 to March 11, resulted in a recommendation that the five be expelled and the Assembly voted overwhelmingly for expulsion on April 1, However, the next year internal strife would cause a schism. The debate over whether to align with Lenin caused a major rift in the party. The Socialist Party ended up, with only moderates left, at one third of its original size.
Anarchists had bombed Wall Street and sent a number of mail-bombs to prominent businessmen and government leaders. The public lumped together the entire far left as terrorists.
A wave of fear swept the country, giving support for the Justice Department to deport with thousands of non-citizens active in the far-left. Emma Goldman was the most famous. This was known as the first Red Scare or the " Palmer Raids ". Mitchell Palmer , a Wilsonian Democrat, had a bomb explode outside his house. He set out to stop the "Communist conspiracy" that he believed was operating inside the United States. Hoover soon amassed a card-catalogue system with information on 60, "radically inclined" individuals and many leftist groups and publications.
Then on January 2, , the Palmer Raids under began, with Hoover in charge. On that single day in , Hoover's agents rounded up 6, people. Many were deported but the Labor Department ended the raids with a ruling that the incarcerations and deportations were illegal.
Since the late 19th century, conservatives have used the term "socialism" or "creeping socialism" as a means of dismissing spending on public welfare programs which could potentially enlarge the role of the federal government, or lead to higher tax rates. In this sense, it has little to do with government ownership of the means of production, or the various socialist parties, thus William Allen White attacked presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan in by warning that "[t]he election will sustain Americanism or it will plant Socialism".
Kennedy and the "blueprint for socialism presented by the Democrats". When the twenties began, "[ The strikes were beaten down by force, and the economy was doing just well enough for just enough people to prevent mass rebellion". The socialists had lost a major ally in the Wobblies and their free speech had been restricted, if not denied.
Immigrants, a major base of the socialist movement, were discriminated against and looked down upon. Debs—the charismatic leader of the socialists—was in prison, along with hundreds of fellow dissenters. The press, courts and other establishment structures exhibited prejudice against them.
History of the socialist movement in the United States
After crippling schisms within the party and a change in public opinion due to the Palmer Raids, a general negative perception of the far-left and attribution to it of terrorist incidents such as the Wall Street Bombing , the Socialist Party found itself unable to gather popular support. At one time, it boasted 33 city mayors, many seats in state legislatures and two members of the House of Representatives. Historian Eric Foner described the fundamental problem of those years in a article for the History Workshop Journal:. Members also included anarchists and other radical leftists. In contrast, the more moderate Socialist Party of America had 40, members.
- Das kalte Herz: Von der Macht des Geldes und dem Verlust der Gefühle (German Edition).
- Psalm Songs.
- A. Lincoln: A Biography.
The sections of the Communist Party's International Workers Order meanwhile organized for communism along linguistic and ethnic lines, providing mutual aid and tailored cultural activities to an IWO membership that peaked at , at its height. The ideological rigidity of the Third Period began to crack with two events: Roosevelt's election and the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act in sparked a tremendous upsurge in union organizing in and Many conservatives equated the New Deal with socialism or Communism as practiced in the Soviet Union and saw its policies as evidence that the government had been heavily influenced by Communist policy-makers in the Roosevelt administration.
Wolff argues that socialist and communist parties, along with organized labor, played a collective role in pushing through New Deal legislation and conservative opponents of the New Deal coordinated an effort to single out and destroy them as a result. The Seventh Congress of the Comintern made the change in line official in , when it declared the need for a popular front of all groups opposed to fascism. The party also sought unity with forces to its right. Earl Russell Browder offered to run as Norman Thomas ' running mate on a joint Socialist Party—Communist Party ticket in the presidential election , but Thomas rejected this overture.
The gesture did not mean that much in practical terms since by the CPUSA was effectively supporting Roosevelt in much of his trade union work. While continuing to run its own candidates for office, the CPUSA pursued a policy of representing the Democratic Party as the lesser evil in elections. Party members also rallied to the defense of the Spanish Republic during this period after a Nationalist military uprising moved to overthrow it, resulting in the Spanish Civil War — The CPUSA, along with leftists throughout the world, raised funds for medical relief while many of its members made their way to Spain with the aid of the party to join the Lincoln Brigade , one of the International Brigades.
Among its other achievements, the Lincoln Brigade was the first American military force to include blacks and whites integrated on an equal basis.
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Intellectually, the Popular Front period saw the development of a strong communist influence in intellectual and artistic life. This was often through various organizations influenced or controlled by the party, or—as they were pejoratively known—" fronts ". For the first half of the 20th century, the Communist Party was a highly influential force in various struggles for democratic rights.
It played a prominent role in the United States labor movement from the s through the s, having a major hand in mobilizing the unemployed during the worst of the Great Depression [92] [93] and founding most of the country's first industrial unions which would later use the McCarran Internal Security Act to expel their Communist members while also becoming known for opposing racism and fighting for integration in workplaces and communities during the height of the Jim Crow period of racial segregation.
Historian Ellen Schrecker concludes that decades of recent scholarship [94] offer "a more nuanced portrayal of the party as both a Stalinist sect tied to a vicious regime and the most dynamic organization within the American Left during the s and '40s". Throughout its history, many of the party's leaders and political thinkers have been African Americans: James Ford , Charlene Mitchell , Angela Davis , and Jarvis Tyner , the current executive vice chair of the party, all ran as presidential or vice presidential candidates on the party ticket.
Others like Benjamin J. Davis , William L. Patterson , Harry Haywood , James Jackson, Henry Winston , Claude Lightfoot , Alphaeus Hunton, Doxey Wilkerson, Claudia Jones and John Pittman also contributed in important ways to the party's approaches to major issues from human and civil rights, peace, women's equality, the national question, working class unity, socialist thought, cultural struggle and more. In , Reverend A. Through it all Muste continued to work as a labor activist, leading the victorious Toledo Auto-Lite strike of Ultimately, the majority faction of Jim Cannon , Max Shachtman and James Burnham won the day and the Workers Party determined to enter the Socialist Party of America , though a minority faction headed by Hugo Oehler refused to accept this result and split from the organization.
The Trotskyists retained a common orientation with the radicalized SPUSA in their opposition to the European war, their preference for industrial unionism and the Congress of Industrial Organizations over the trade unionism of the AFL, a commitment to trade union activism, the defense of the Soviet Union as the first workers' state while at the same time maintaining an antipathy toward the Stalin government and in their general aims in the election. The organization emerged from a factional fight in the CPUSA in and unsuccessfully sought to reintegrate with that organization for several years [].
Norman Thomas attracted nearly , votes in his Socialist Party run for President, but performed poorly in historic strongholds of the party. Moreover, the party's membership had begun to decline. A special convention was planned for the last week of March to set the party's future policy, initially intended as an unprecedented "secret" gathering. Constance Myers indicates that three factors led to the expulsion of the Trotskyists from the Socialist Party in At the same time, Thomas, freshly returned from Spain, had come to the conclusion that the Trotskyists had joined the Socialist Party not to make it stronger, but to capture the organization for their own purposes.
Monthly Review , established in , is an independent socialist journal published monthly in New York City. As of , the publication remains the longest continuously published socialist magazine in the United States. It was established by Christian socialist F. It was subsequently published in May to commemorate the first issue of Monthly Review' s fiftieth year. The illusion of an external military threat was required to sustain this system of priorities in government spending, they argued; consequently, the editors published material challenging the dominant Cold War paradigm of "Democracy versus Communism".
James and Raya Dunayevskaya , who used the pseudonyms J. Johnson and Freddie Forest respectively. After leaving the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party , Johnson—Forest founded their own organization for the first time, called Correspondence. In , James would see the Hungarian Revolution of as confirmation of this. Those who endorsed the politics of James took the name Facing Reality , after the book by James co-written with Grace Lee Boggs and Pierre Chaulieu, a pseudonym for Cornelius Castoriadis , on the Hungarian working class revolt of Goodman is now mainly remembered as the author of Growing Up Absurd and an activist on the pacifist left in the s and an inspiration to that era's student movement.
He is less remembered as a co-founder of Gestalt Therapy in the s and s. In the mids, together with C. Wright Mills , he contributed to Politics , the journal edited during the s by Dwight Macdonald. Anarcho-pacifism is a tendency within the anarchist movement which rejects the use of violence in the struggle for social change. She was also considered to be an anarchist [] [] [] and did not hesitate to use the term. The cause for Day's canonization is open in the Catholic Church. Ammon Hennacy was an American pacifist, Christian anarchist, vegetarian , social activist, member of the Catholic Worker Movement and a Wobbly.
As early as , Thomas had acknowledged that a number of issues had been involved in the split which led to the formation of the rival SDF, including "organizational policy, the effort to make the party inclusive of all socialist elements not bound by communist discipline; a feeling of dissatisfaction with social democratic tactics which had failed in Germany" as well as "the socialist estimate of Russia; and the possibility of cooperation with communists on certain specific matters". Still, he held that "those of us who believe that an inclusive socialist party is desirable, and ought to be possible, hope that the growing friendliness of socialist groups will bring about not only joint action but ultimately a satisfactory reunion on the basis of sufficient agreement for harmonious support of a socialist program".
A small group of holdouts refused to reunify, establishing a new organization called the Democratic Socialist Federation DSF. When the Soviet Union led an invasion of Hungary in , half of the members of communist parties around the world quit and in the United States half did and many joined the Socialist Party.
Frank Zeidler was an American socialist politician and mayor of Milwaukee, Wisconsin , serving three terms from April 20, to April 18, He was the most recent socialist mayor of any major American city. Zeidler was Milwaukee's third socialist mayor after Emil Seidel — and Daniel Hoan — , making Milwaukee the largest American city to elect three socialists to its highest office.
Shachtman had developed a Marxist critique of Soviet communism as " bureaucratic collectivism ", a new form of class society that was more oppressive than any form of capitalism. Shachtman's theory was similar to that of many dissidents and refugees from Communism, such as the theory of the " new class " proposed by Yugoslavian dissident Milovan Djilas.
The Second Red Scare is a period lasting roughly from to and characterized by heightened fears of Communist influence on American institutions and espionage by Soviet agents.
37e. Eugene V. Debs and American Socialism
During the McCarthy era, thousands of Americans were accused of being communists or Communist sympathizers and became the subject of aggressive investigations and questioning before government or private-industry panels, committees and agencies. The primary targets of such suspicions were government employees, those in the entertainment industry, educators and union activists. Suspicions were often given credence despite inconclusive or questionable evidence and the level of threat posed by a person's real or supposed leftist associations or beliefs was often greatly exaggerated.
Most of these punishments came about through trial verdicts later overturned, [] laws that would be declared unconstitutional, [] dismissals for reasons later declared illegal [] or actionable , [] or extra-legal procedures that would come into general disrepute. It is difficult to estimate the number of victims of McCarthyism. The number imprisoned is in the hundreds and some ten or twelve thousand lost their jobs.
However, for the vast majority both the potential for them to do harm to the nation and the nature of their communist affiliation were tenuous. Du Bois was affected by these policies and he became incensed in when the Supreme Court upheld the McCarran Act , a key piece of McCarthyism legislation which required communists to register with the government.
I mean by communism, a planned way of life in the production of wealth and work designed for building a state whose object is the highest welfare of its people and not merely the profit of a part". He is known for his roles in helping to found several gay organizations, including the Mattachine Society , the first sustained gay rights group in the United States which in its early days had a strong Marxist influence.
The Encyclopedia of Homosexuality reports: Hay's involvement in the gay movement became more informal after that, although he did co-found the Los Angeles chapter of the Gay Liberation Front in As Hay became more involved in his Mattachine work, he correspondingly became more concerned that his homosexuality would negatively affect the CPUSA, which did not allow gays to be members.
Hay himself approached party leaders and recommended his own expulsion. The party refused to expel Hay as a homosexual, instead expelling him as a "security risk" at the same time declaring him to be a "Lifelong Friend of the People". The term "New Left" was popularised in the United States in an open letter written in by sociologist C. Wright Mills — , entitled Letter to the New Left. Mills argued for a shift from traditional leftism toward the values of the counterculture and emphasized an international perspective on the movement.
By , the committee was being denounced by former President Harry S. Truman as the "most un-American thing in the country today". The Yippies used the media attention to make a mockery of the proceedings. Rubin came to one session dressed as a United States Revolutionary War soldier and passed out copies of the United States Declaration of Independence to people in attendance.
Rubin then "blew giant gum bubbles while his co-witnesses taunted the committee with Nazi salutes". On the other hand, the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party SWP supported both the civil rights movement and the black nationalist movement which grew during the s. It particularly praised the militancy of black nationalist leader Malcolm X , who in turn spoke at the SWP's public forums and gave an interview to Young Socialist magazine. Like all left wing groups, the SWP grew during the s and experienced a particularly brisk growth in the first years of the s.
Much of this was due to its involvement in many of the campaigns and demonstrations against the war in Vietnam.
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Rustin had helped to spread pacificism and non-violence to leaders of the civil rights movement, like Martin Luther King Jr. Rustin's circle and A. He guarded his language in public to avoid being linked to communism by his enemies, but in private he sometimes spoke of his support for democratic socialism. In a letter to Coretta Scott, he said: Michael Harrington soon became the most visible socialist in the United States when his The Other America became a best seller, following a long and laudatory New Yorker review by Dwight Macdonald. Contributing to the day-to-day struggles of the Civil Rights Movement and labor unions had gained socialists credibility and influence, and had helped to push politicians in the Democratic Party towards social liberal or social democratic positions, at least on civil rights and the War on Poverty.
Baran published in by Monthly Review Press. It made a major contribution to Marxian theory by shifting attention from the assumption of a competitive economy to the monopolistic economy associated with the giant corporations that dominate the modern accumulation process. Their work played a leading role in the intellectual development of the New Left in the s and s. In the s, the hippie movement influenced a renewed interest in anarchism, and some anarchist and other left-wing groups developed out of the New Left [] [] [] and anarchists actively participated in the late sixties students and workers revolts.
By late , the Diggers opened free stores which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away money, organized free music concerts and performed works of political art. According to ABC News: Lecturing throughout the United States, he helped popularize the concept of ecology to the counterculture. The Black Panther Party was a black revolutionary socialist organization active in the United States from until The Black Panther Party achieved national and international notoriety through its involvement in the Black Power movement and American politics of the s and s.
These meetings also functioned as reunions for political activists and intellectuals, some of whom worked together for decades. The Weather Underground Organization , commonly known as the Weather Underground, was an American radical left organization founded on the Ann Arbor campus of the University of Michigan. Weatherman organized in as a faction of Students for a Democratic Society SDS [] composed for the most part of the national office leadership of SDS and their supporters. With revolutionary positions characterized by Black Power and opposition to the Vietnam War , [] the group conducted a campaign of bombings through the mids and took part in actions such as the jailbreak of Timothy Leary.
The " Days of Rage ", their first public demonstration on October 8, , was a riot in Chicago timed to coincide with the trial of the Chicago Seven. The Communist Workers' Party was a Maoist group in the United States which had its origin in as the Asian Study Group renamed the Workers' Viewpoint Organization in established by Jerry Tung , a former member of the PLP [] who had grown disenchanted with the group and disagreed with changes taking place in the party line.
The party is mainly remembered as one of the victims of the Greensboro Massacre of in which five protest marchers were shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan and the American Nazi Party at a rally organized by the Communist Worker's Party intended to demonstrate radical, even violent, opposition to the Klan.
The "Death to the Klan March" and protest was the culmination of attempts by the Communist Workers' Party to organize mostly black industrial workers in the area. Michael Klonsky , who had been a national leader in SDS in the late s, was the main leader of the Communist Party Marxist—Leninist [] which was also joined by the black communist theorist Harry Haywood. Because of their service in government, Gershman and other SDUSA members were called "State Department socialists" by Massing , who wrote that the foreign policy of the Reagan administration was being run by Trotskyists , a claim that was called a "myth" by Lipset , p.
Bush administration by former Trotskyists. Wald, who had written a history of "the New York intellectuals" that discussed Trotskyism and neoconservatism. Bush have been mentioned by "self-styled" paleoconservatives traditional conservative opponents of neoconservatism. Anarchists became more visible in the s as a result of publishing, protests and conventions. This conference was followed by annual, continental conventions in Minneapolis , Toronto and San Francisco In the s, a group of anarchists formed the Love and Rage Network , which was one of several new groups and projects formed in the United States during the decade.
American anarchists increasingly became noticeable at protests, especially through a tactic known as the black bloc. American anarchists became more prominent as a result of the anti-WTO protests in Seattle: Founded as a bi-lingual French and English-speaking federation with member and supporter groups in the northeast of the United States, southern Ontario and the Quebec province, the organization later split up in The only American member organization of the worldwide Socialist International was the Democratic Socialists of America DSA until Summer , when the latter voted to disaffiliate from that organization for its perceived acceptance of neoliberal economic policies.
Following Obama's election, many on the right [] began to allege that his administration's policies were "socialistic", a claim rejected by DSA and the Obama administration alike. The widespread use of the word "socialism" as a political epithet against the Obama government by its opponents caused National Director Frank Llewellyn to declare that "over the past 12 months, the Democratic Socialists of America has received more media attention than it has over the past 12 years".
An April Rasmussen Reports poll conducted during the financial crisis of — which many believe resulted due to lack of regulation in the financial markets suggested that there had been a growth of support for socialism in the United States. Sawant was the first Marxist on the council in recent memory. Bernie Sanders , current Senator from Vermont and former candidate for President , describes himself as a democratic socialist. Life in the Plantation South 6. A New African-American Culture 7. The Treaty of Paris and Its Impact 9. The Intolerable Acts The Declaration of Independence Yorktown and the Treaty of Paris When Does the Revolution End?
Revolutionary Changes and Limitations: The Age of Atlantic Revolutions The Economic Crisis of the s Constitution Through Compromise The Antifederalists' Victory in Defeat Native American Resilience and Violence in the West The Life and Times of John Adams A New National Capital: Another View of Virginia in Claiming Victory from Defeat Early National Arts and Cultural Independence The Expansion of the Vote: Jacksonian Democracy and Modern America Irish and German Immigration Transcendentalism, An American Philosophy The Southern Argument for Slavery Gold in California The Compromise of Preston Brooks and Charles Sumner The South Secedes The Road to Appomattox The Assassination of the President Rebuilding the Old Order Politics of the Gilded Age Debs and American Socialism This, in fact, is the economic and political essence of imperialism, the profound contradictions of which Kautsky glosses over instead of exposing.
Between and , and to a certain extent even later, only England enjoyed a monopoly: No other countries possessed either very rich colonies or an industrial monopoly. The last third of the nineteenth century saw the transition to the new, imperialist era. In Japan and Russia the monopoly of military power, vast territories, or special facilities for robbing minority nationalities, China, etc.
The monopoly of modern finance capital is being frantically challenged; the era of imperialist wars has begun. It was possible in those days to bribe and corrupt the working class of one country for decades. This is now improbable, if not impossible. For the trusts, the financial oligarchy, high prices, etc. On the other hand, there is the tendency of the masses , who are more oppressed than before and who bear the whole brunt of imperialist wars, to cast off this yoke and to overthrow the bourgeoisie. It is in the struggle between these two tendencies that the history of the labour movement will now inevitably develop.
On the economic basis referred to above, the political institutions of modern capitalism—press, parliament associations, congresses etc. The mechanics of political democracy works in the same direction. Nothing in our times can be done without elections; nothing can be done without the masses. And in this era of printing and parliamentarism it is impossible to gain the following of the masses without a widely ramified, systematically managed, well-equipped system of flattery, lies, fraud, juggling with fashionable and popular catchwords, and promising all manner of reforms and blessings to the workers right and left—as long as they renounce the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of bourgeoisie.
Of the latter, it may be objected, some will return to the revolutionary socialism of Marx. This is possible, but it is an insignificant difference in degree, if the question is regarded from its political, i. Certain individuals among the present social-chauvinist leaders may return to the proletariat.
It cannot be prohibited from doing this, just as a trading firm cannot be prohibited from using any particular label, sign or advertisement. It has always been the case in history that after the death of revolutionary leaders who were popular among the oppressed classes, their enemies have attempted to appropriate their names so as to deceive the oppressed classes.
There is not the slightest reason for thinking that these parties will disappear before the social revolution. On the contrary, the nearer the revolution approaches, the more strongly it flares up and the more sudden and violent the transitions and leaps in its progress, the greater will be the part the struggle of the revolutionary mass stream against the opportunist petty-bourgeois stream will play in the labour movement.
Kautskyism is not an independent trend, because it has no roots either in the masses or in the privileged stratum which has deserted to the bourgeoisie. The masses no longer follow the avowed social-chauvinists: We do not want, they say, to break away from the masses and mass organisations! But just think how Engels put the question. Marx and Engels did not reconcile themselves to it on this ground; they exposed it.
They did not forget, firstly, that the trade union organisations directly embraced a minority of the proletariat. In England then, as in Germany now, not more than one-fifth of the proletariat was organised. No one can seriously think it possible to organise the majority of the proletariat under capitalism.
Lenin: Imperialism and the Split in Socialism
Secondly—and this is the main point—it is not so much a question of the size of an organisation, as of the real, objective significance of its policy: This is the essence of Marxist tactics! Neither we nor anyone else can calculate precisely what portion of the proletariat is following and will follow the social-chauvinists and opportunists.
This will be revealed only by the struggle, it will be definitely decided only by the socialist revolution. And it is therefore our duty, if we wish to remain socialists to go down lower and deeper , to the real masses; this is the whole meaning and the whole purport of the struggle against opportunism. By exposing the fact that the opportunists and social-chauvinists are in reality betraying and selling the interests of the masses, that they are defending the temporary privileges of a minority of the workers, that they are the vehicles of bourgeois ideas and influences, that they are really allies and agents of the bourgeoisie, we teach the masses to appreciate their true political interests, to fight for socialism and for the revolution through all the long and painful vicissitudes of imperialist wars and imperialist armistices.
The only Marxist line in the world labour movement is to explain to the masses the inevitability and necessity of breaking with opportunism, to educate them for revolution by waging a relentless struggle against opportunism, to utilise the experience of the war to expose, not conceal, the utter vileness of national-liberal labour politics. In the next article, we shall try to sum up the principal features that distinguish this line from Kautskyism. It was formed in ; during the world imperialist war it took a social-chauvinist stand, justifying the war led by the tsarist government and preaching nationalistic and chauvinistic ideas.
Hobson, Imperialism , London, The Bolsheviks advocated a boycott of the War Industries Committees and were successful in securing this boycott with the support of the majority of the workers.