Women, Work and the Family in Europe

The reconciliation of family and working life is one of the most pressing policy and political issues facing all European societies. This volume is a timely collection.
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Women, on the other hand, presided over the interior of the house hold and over the private affairs of family life. Separate spheres and separate roles did not, however, imply discrimination or hierarchy. It appears, on the contrary, that neither sphere was subordinated to the other. This interpretation is, however, still a matter of dispute among anthropologists.

See Roubin , Lucienne A. Agricole Perdiguier recalled that his father made his daughters work in the fields: Paris , — , Vol. See also Hubscher , R. The fleeting history of social concern and legislation during the Paris Commune of shows these values reflected in popular radicalism. Although women were not granted political equality by the Communards, illegitimate children were granted legal claims parallel to those of legitimate children. Among the institutions set up by the women of the Commune themselves were day nurseries for working mothers. It is the account book of a farm in Besse-sur-Barge, Sarthe, undated but from the s, kept exclusively by the daughter of the family.

She lists everything, from sale of animals and land to purchase of handkerchiefs, kitchen utensils or jewelry, for which money was spent or received.


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V, ; see also, IV, for the life history of the tinsmith of Savoy and his wife. The Early History of Lowell, Mass.

Women, Work and the Family in Europe

London , , reprinted London, Sullerot, , describes the household-like organization of seamstresses in small shops, in which the patronne and workers ate en famille , the less skilled workers dismissed, like children, before dessert. The predominance of the family interest over that of individuals and the importance of the family as a model for social relationships can be glimpsed in the lives of young working men as well as in those of young girls.

The Irish custom of sending money to parents was followed by boys as well as girls. In Italian immigrant families in the U.

We Met a Family Living in a Sprinter! Van Life Europe Part 14

In French working class families, likewise. These houses seemed to offer this kind of family setting without the authoritarian aspects of the factory dormitories. Shorter has argued that the increase in illegitimate fertility which began in the mid-eighteenth to late nineteenth centuries in Europe was preceded by a dramatic change in values. They sought self-fulfillment and self-expression in sexual encounters. In the absence of contraception, they became pregnant and bore illegitimate children.

We find Shorter's speculations imaginative but incorrect.

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He makes unfounded assumptions about pre-industrial family relationships and about patterns of work in these families. The actual historical experience of young women working in the nineteenth century was not what Shorter assumes it was. Shorter cannot demonstrate that attitudes changed; he deduces that they did.

We show that the behavior from which Shorter deduced changed values was consonant with older valus operating in changed circumstances.

Women's Work and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Europe

Illegitimacy rose at least partly as a consequence of a compositional change in population—i. Under these circumstances, illicit liaisons can be seen as alternate families and illegitimate children the consequence of an attempt to constitute the family work unit in a situation in which legal marriage sometimes could not be afforded, other times, was not felt necessary. Far from their own parents and the community which could have enforced compliance with an agreement to marriage which preceded sexual relations, women were more likely to bear illegitimate children.

This is discussed more fully in the text below. See DePauw , J. De Pauw shows that promises of marriage in cases of illegitimacy increased as both illegitimacy increased and the unions which produced the bastards increasingly occurred between social equals in the eighteenth century. In each subsequent version of his argument, Shorter has become less qualified and more insistent about the logic of his argument. Logic, however, ought not to be confused with actual historical experience and Shorter has little solid evidence from the past to support his speculation.

For eighteenth century Nantes, Pauw , De , —7, shows how economic promises to find the woman work, or teach her a craft led to liaisons which ended in pregnancy; Thomas , , 20 —2, 76 —9, describes common law marriage in the Parisian working class at the time of the Commune. Odencrantz also describes the concept of the family income—the sum of earnings of fathers, mothers, sons and daughters, other relatives, and returns from lodgers—as typical of Italian immigrants in New York.

Covello, , describes the resistance of Italian immigrants to school requirements, and their haste to send boys out to work. The father of Louise Tilly, as an Italian immigrant schoolboy in New York before World War I, and the only member of his family not employed, did the cooking and kept house. V, 9, 16—17, 45, 50—4. For France, see the debate surrounding the passage of the Loi Roussel in , regulating wet nursing. Domestic service continued, at the same time, to be the channel of geographic mobility of small rural population groups, sometimes in international migration streams.

See Guilbert , M. For Italy, see La Difesa delle Lavoratrici a socialist newspaper for women 11 May, , for a socialist view of women's role as mothers.

See also Zeldin , Theodore , France, — Ambition, Love and Politics Oxford , , Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection. This data will be updated every 24 hours. Cited by 67 Cited by.

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