Understanding Life in the Borderlands: Boundaries in Depth and in Motion (Studies in Security and In

Understanding Life in the Borderlands: Boundaries in Depth and in Motion. EDITED BY I. WILLIAM ZARTMAN. Series: Studies in Security and International.
Table of contents

As an empire, the Ottoman entity was a sort of compound state, but with boundaries and sovereignty. Colonization, consummated by the end of the First World War, installed proto-states, deprived of sovereignty by the colonizer who held it but endowed with borders and state-like apparatus. These characteristics they kept when they achieved independence after the Second World War. When newly revised in , as Vignal points out, even the Jordan—Syria border was demarcated, while refugees camped on either side. The region's longest disputed border, between Morocco and Algeria west of Figuig , is signed, ratified, delimited and closed, albeit not yet demarcated.

As Adraoui points out in this issue, 5 political Islam has revolutionized the border situation by putatively reverting to the notion of the population state, and, more significantly between peoples than between lands, has installed one single boundary between dar al-harb and dar al-islam , the land of war and the land of submission. Within the Land of Islam, boundaries do not exist—or, if they do, it is only for administrative convenience. As in the Islamic Republic of Iran, temporal administration is a practical necessity but subject to the Islamic primacy of the ayatollah.

Whether it is also for ethno-national convenience as well remains a debated question, as Adraoui discusses. Political Islam also presents itself as an antidote to state collapse and all the more so to states in the lesser categories of failed, failing or fragile. It purports to bring coherence, rectitude and internal authority—qualities inherent in sovereignty—to currently weak, corrupt, arrogant, alienated states— la hogra in Algerian slang.

Border Poetics bibliography: social and geographical borders

If it draws popular support, it is as a protest movement against current conditions more than as a religious revival movement. The states that collapsed in the Arab Spring—Libya and Yemen if it could ever have been called a state 7 —were already hollow on the inside before the popular uprising, as Fawcett notes in this issue, 8 and the states where the uprising both gave impetus to and took it from a religious movement—Tunisia and Egypt—quickly lost their presidential symbol of arrogant corruption while holding firmly to the notion of the state itself.

Even collapsed states have boundaries, kept up by neighbours who work to see the collapse contained. Syrians seeking refuge by crossing the border into Turkey or Jordan, let alone Israel, know very well what a border is. This is not to deny fissiparous tendencies in a number of these and other states—Yemen and Libya but also Iraq.

Thus, the other side of Middle Eastern governments' self-centredness is their neglect of their excluded subnations, usually minorities but sometimes majorities. Turkey's shifting policy towards Assad in Syria is a contradiction of its policies towards its own and other states' Kurds, where negotiations have been an off-and-on affair over the past decades.

Bahrain's and Yemen's policies towards their majority and minority Shi'as, respectively, have relied on aggressive Saudi intervention. In Syria and Egypt, religious minorities have been sheltered by an otherwise repressive regime. Before any collapse comes, the Middle Eastern state is fragile and brittle. The striking exception is the integrative attention paid, in various ways, to the Berber portion of the population in the Maghrebi states. To call it a tribal area misses the fact that it is indeed cut by a state border; moreover, a borderland is cut by many borders.

It carries an economic border between urban Bedouin and the better-off in the countryside, and a political border between Arab Spring factions. Like any borderland, its inhabitants have their own compound identity, citizens of each country and both. Syria's borderland with Turkey is black and white with spots in space and time, analysed by Okyay as a complex case of border management. Unlike the Egypt—Libyan case, here it is the centre that decides the border relations, and the nature of the border—and the borderlanders—changes dramatically according to the government's domestic policies towards its ethnic groups: Just as important in those policies as the control of the national definition has been the control of the political definition of the state.

That said, it is striking how badly riven transnational Kurdistan is by fragmentations along the national boundaries that it contests, and even the Iraqi Kurds are split into rival parties: When rebellion was the name of the game, the Iraqi rival parties vied for control of the movement, falling back as is customary on traditional family factionalism. When autonomy came into view on the road to outright sovereignty, the parties learned cooperation, with a little pressure from their friends. Latent factionalism among Syrian Kurds has been kept under control by the pressures of militancy and the distance to the goal.

Thus, this collection of articles examines closely the conditions of state, sovereignty and borders in its area. Refreshingly, it throws light not only on the transparency of the emperor's clothes but on the immaturity of the emperor himself. As Fawcett and several other of the authors point out, the tendency to look at the Middle East as a region inhabited by strong states left observers surprised when a number of the governments fell and states collapsed in the Arab Spring. With a few exceptions, Middle East states are hard states, not strong states, and hard states crack and crumble if subjected to a great enough shock.

The hard state has a social contract too, limited to self-protection in exchange for support; but when self-protection shows weakness in this uneven exchange, it can come down in a great crash. Thus, in the Arab Spring, those states where the autocratic ruler was overthrown in short order Tunisia and Egypt survived and re-emerged in the same historic forms: In those where overthrow took time and violence Libya and Yemen , the brittle state was destroyed and its carcass was up for grabs among the conflicting rebel warlord factions.

In those where the uprising was limited and recognized the legitimacy of the state and ruler Morocco and Algeria , a strong state existed, skimming demands off the top of the protests as reforms to strengthen itself. Finally, in those cases where the hard state resisted, with external intervention Bahrain and Syria , it too persisted—over the graves of up to several hundred thousand of its people. All these variations exist in the springtime of the Arab state. Rather than a collection of new states, the area is seeing a collection of regions that wave independence as a goal but settle into autonomous governance in the meantime, while the goal is left hanging on the hook to be available when needed.

The advantages of self-governance within a larger state are numerous: For the contentious politics of Syria, Iraq and, possibly, Libya and Yemen, temporary stability may well take the form of de facto federation or confederation, without formalization in any treaty or constitution. Boundaries in these cases would be established either in the time-honoured way of medieval Europe, as ceasefire or conquest lines, or along accepted provincial borders.

As noted above, the upper level of sovereignty wielded by intergovernmental or international organizations is weak in the Arab world. Instead, the upper level is truly anarchic, a Go game among more or less sovereign governments running more or less territorial states, as skilfully dissected for the s and s by Malcolm Kerr. The second reflected a familiar ideological division between right and left in the form of retrograde and enlightened wings within dar al-arab.

There is nothing as divisive as ethnic unity. Half a century later, the same dynamics were rampant in the region, but on a different dimension. The dimension of course is not new—the split between the Shi'a and the Sunni is some 1, years old—but it came to the fore only recently as the dominant political fault-line and fissure in Islam. Its resurgence can probably be dated to the Iranian Revolution of , and it now undergirds the dynamics of the Arab state order, firing the internecine animosity to an extent not seen since the Christian wars of religion from the Reformation to the Peace of Westphalia.

There is nothing as divisive as religious unity. In the flux of combat it is hard to draw a border, as the battleline surges back and forth. The Sunni side is fragmented, unable to decide who the real enemy is: But the regional order that looms in the future is made up of a Fatal Crescent of Shi'a control circling from Iran through Iraq into Syria and Hezbollah's Lebanon, faced on the north by Sunni Turkey and Syrian Kurdistan, on the south by Jordan and Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf, and to the west by Egypt and the Maghreb.

Behind or involved in the Shi'a Crescent is Russia, working to win over the historic wariness of Turkey in between, while the western supporters of the Sunni side are far away. This new configuration of the regional state order has not yet come fully into being and is only being formed through heavy combat and a sorting out of parties and sides.

It returns Russia to its Cold War position—and more—as supporter of Syria and Egypt, though of course it shares none of the ideological tenets of the Shi'a Crescent. Will they represent a consolidation of the current states, or will there be a reconfiguration of the Middle East to incorporate the underlying ethno-religious realities and finally reject the impositions of the San Remo Conference in ? To begin with, people of the region think of themselves today in state-national terms—a sense, perhaps paradoxically, heightened by the damage to the political structures wrought by the current conflicts.

Most impressively, Jordanians know they are Jordanians even though two-thirds of them are Palestinians, and in the other countries of refuge where they have not been admitted to citizenship, Palestinians know they are Palestinians wherever they are; Lebanese know they are Lebanese and not Syrian even if Syria thinks they are. Lee Wilberschied and Antonio Medina-Rivera. Wood, David Murakami, and Stephen Graham. Surveillance and Differentiations of Mobility".

In this Book

Implications for Policy- and Decision-Making". Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie B ordering and othering, focusing on im mobility. Human Rights at the Border. Grenzbildende Faktoren in der Geschichte: Albert, Mathias, David Jacobson, and Y.

Think Like a Scientist -- Boundaries

New Directions in International Relations Theory. Global Flows, Territorial Identities. Altink, Henrice, and Sharif Gemie, eds. Anderson, James, and Warwick Armstrong, eds. The Geopolitics of European Union Enlargement: Anderson, Malcolm, and Eberhard Bort, eds. The Frontiers of Europe. Borders, Mobilities and Migrations: Perspectives from the Mediterranean, st Century. Nation and Ethnicity in the Linguistic Borderlands. Bartov, Omer, and Eric D.

Indiana University Press, Becker, Joachim, and Andrea Komlosy, eds. Zonen, Linien, Mauern im historischen Vergleich. Berg, Eiki, and Henk van Houtum, eds. Bernardie-Tahir, Nathalie, and Camille Schmoll, eds. Island Studies Journal 9. Islands and the Borders of Southern Europe. Scott, and Gianluca Bocchi, eds. Contested Borders and Identities. Beyond Walls and Cages: Prisons, Borders, and Global Crisis. University of Georgia Press, Burtscher-Bechter, Beate, Peter W.

Interkulturelle Mediation in der Grenzregion: Sprach- und kulturwissenschaftliche Analysen triadischer Interaktionsformen im interkulturellen Kontakt. Teorias e metodologias de pesquisa. Marches et limites anciennes en France et en Europe. Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Celata, Filippo, and Raffaella Coletti, eds. Centre Georges Pompidou, ed. Journal of Contemporary European Studies Special Issue on Border Security as Practice. Borders, Barriers, and Ethnogenesis: Frontiers in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.

Danielsson, Rolf, and Anders Gustavsson, eds. Sovereignty, Space, and the Freedom of Movement. Duke University Press, Soft or Hard Borders? Managing the Divide in an Enlarged Europe. Deger, Petra, and Robert Hettlage, eds. Deinhofer, Elisabeth, and Traude Horvath, eds. Burgenland - Diener, Alexander, and Joshua Hagen, eds.


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Political Oddities at the Edge of the Nation-State. Law and the Construction of American Borders. Plus - Pisa University Press, Esser, Raingard, and Steven G. Ganster, Paul, and David E. Borders and Border Politics in a Globalizing World. Berichte aus dem deutschen Niemandsland. Houtum, Henk van, and Joos van Vugt, eds. Physical and Symbolic Borders. Journal of Area Studies Border and Boundaries Special Issue. Kleinschmidt, Christoph, and Christine Hewel, eds. Knippenberg, Hans, and Jan Markusse, eds.

Nationalising and Denationalising European Border Regions, Views from Geography and History. Kulturen an der Grenze: Krenn, Michael, and Oliver Ressler, eds. Borders, Nationalism, and the African State. Lavie, Smadar, and Ted Swedenburg, eds. Displacement, Diaspora, and Geographies of Identity. The University of Georgia Press, Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers c. A Study of Scotland and Empires. Malm, Lena, and Sarah Green, eds. Moore, Margaret, and Allen E.

States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries. The Medieval Frontiers of Latin Christendom: Boundaries, Territory and Postmodernity. Borders, Nations and States: Frontiers of Sovereignty in the New Europe. Paquot, Thierry, and Michel Lussault, eds. The Fluid Borders of Europe. Power, Daniel, and Naomi Standen, eds. The Mediterranean Migration Frontier. Riccio, Bruno, and Chiara Brambilla, eds. The Barents Urban Survey Environment and Planning D: Society and Space Rumley, Dennis, and Julian V.

The Geography of Border Landscapes. Globalization on the Line: Culture, Capital, and Citizenship at U. Politics at the Airport. Schimanski, Johan, and Stephen Wolfe, eds. Journal of Borderlands Studies Cultural Production and Negotiation of Borders special dossier. Scott, James Wesley, ed. Spener, David, and Kathleen Staudt, eds. Transcending Divisions, Contesting Identities. The Contested Politics of Mobility: Fuentes, and Julia E. Cities and Citizenship at the U.

The Paso del Norte Metropolitan Region. Stjernfelt, Frederik, and Anders Troelsen, eds. European Border Regions in Comparison: Overcoming Nationalistic Aspects or Re-Nationalization? Truett, Samuel, and Elliott Young, eds. Velde, Martin van der, and Henk van Houtum, eds. Velde, Martin van der, and Ton van Naerssen, eds. Viken, Arvid, and Bjarge Schwenke Fors, eds. Chto delat newspaper Journal of Urban Research 10 Wilberschied, Lee, and Antonio Medina-Rivera, eds. Politiken - Medien - Subjekte. Understanding Life in the Borderlands: Boundaries in Depth and in Motion.

International Migration and National Security". An International Relations Perspective". What the People Have to Say". The Lake Superior Borderlands". The Making of an Anthropology of Borderlands".

Understanding Life in the Borderlands: Boundaries in Depth and in Motion

The Case of the Portuguese-Spanish Border". Amoore, Louise, and Alexandra Hall. On the Arts of Security and Resistance". Contradictory Meanings, Changing Significance". Anderson, James and Liam O'Dowd. Globalization and Ethno-national Conflict in Ireland".


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Borders and Security in the Twenty-first Century". Andrijasevic, Rutvica, and William Walters. Everyday Narratives in European Border Communities". The Case of Canadian Immigration Regulation". Berg, Eiki, and Piret Ehin. Towards a Differentiated and Uneven Border Strategy". Imagined Community or Pluralist Security System? A Response to Harald Bauder". Institutional Logics and Change in Transboundary Spaces".

Understanding Life in the Borderlands: Boundaries in Depth and in Motion - Google Книги

Blatter, Joachim, and Norris Clement. Insights from Border Regions". Brambilla, Chiara, and Henk van Houtum. Church, Andrew, and Peter Reid. Statecraft and the U. Ontology, Methodology and Framing". Cooper, Anthony, and Chris Perkins. An Institutional Approach to the Study of Borders". Journal of Area Studies. Narratives from the Congolese-Rwandan State Boundary". Falah, Ghazi, and David Newman. Ferrer-Gallardo, Xavier, and Henk van Houtum. Tourism on the Norwegian-Russian border". Case Study Report 1". Territory as Social Construct". Borders and Boundaries in Palestine—Israel".

Migrant Transnationalism as a Border Experience". Gielis, Ruben, and Henk van Houtum. Dwelling in the Borderscape of Germany and The Netherlands". On relocating political, economic and social relations". Grundy-Warr, Carl, and Clive Schofield. Argentine, Bolivie et Chili ".

Habeck, Joachim Otto, and Galina Belolyubskaya. From Borderlines to Borderlands". A Conceptual Problem for Policy Makers". Kafka on the Border". Houtum, Henk van, and Freerk Boedeltje. Death at the Borders of the EU". Houtum, Henk van, and Huib Ernste. Houtum, Henk van, and Ruben Gielis. Houtum, Henk van, and Ton van Naerssen. Houtum, Henk van, and Roos Pijpers.

Houtum, Henk van, and Bas Spierings. Houtum, Henk van, and Martin van der Velde. Exclusive Jurisdictions and Migrant Mobility in Europe". Local Identity Construction in Sortavala". Ashgate, ; Berg, Eiki, and Henk van Houtum, eds. Request this item to view in the Library's reading rooms using your library card. To learn more about how to request items watch this short online video. You can view this on the NLA website.

Territorial states, sovereignty and borders

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