Parenting styles can be general or with positive child outcomes (e.g., power assertion, and psychological control). new foods, or should we, for example, try to.
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This involves high levels of nurturance, involvement, sensitivity, reasoning, and encouragement of autonomy. Authoritarian parenting is characterized by high levels of demandingness and low levels of responsiveness. Parents characterized as authoritarian exhibit highly directive behaviors, high levels of restriction, and power-asserting behaviors. Permissive parenting is characterized by low levels of demandingness and high levels of responsiveness. Permissive parenting involves making few demands, exhibiting non-controlling behaviors, and using minimal punishment. Neglectful parenting is characterized by low levels of demandingness and low levels of responsiveness.
Overall, an authoritative parenting style emphasizing both responsiveness and demandingness appears superior in fostering higher academic performance Turner et al. For decades, the field has debated if these findings are consistent across ethnic and cultural groups. However, new research highlights data that provides an additional explanation. The following results were described in the study:. Do the associations of parenting styles with behavior problems and academic achievement vary by culture? The purpose of this article is to briefly consider, from the perspective of parenting researchers, a range of conceptual, methodological, and translational issues that can inform future research on the role of parenting in childhood obesity.
Parenting styles can be general or domain specific and are related to, but distinct from, parenting practices. These terms can be conceptualized as a nested hierarchy, with general parenting styles being the broader and more inclusive concept reflecting an approach to childrearing across situations and domains. The most well-known examples of parenting styles include the authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive styles first identified by Baumrind in the mid s.
These parents provide their children with clear guidance and direction, but in the context of a warm and loving relationship. Authoritarian parenting low responsiveness and high demandingness involves high expectations for child obedience in the context of an emotionally cold or distant parent—child relationship and is associated with poor academic achievement and depressive symptoms.
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Permissive parents high responsiveness and low demandingness provide their children with very little guidance and direction, and their children are more likely to show poor self-control, low self-esteem, and aggression. Both are associated with negative child outcomes. Although parenting styles usually refer to general parenting, they can be domain-specific as well. Hughes and colleagues, for example, in a number of studies, 9 — 11 have demonstrated the utility of assessing parenting style in the feeding domain. In these studies, indulgent feeding styles were associated with the greatest childhood obesity risk.
In contrast to the more general styles, parenting practices are the discrete, observable acts of parenting praise, feedback, reward, punishment, reasoning, limit setting, etc. Parenting practices can be either general or domain-specific. When parenting practices are general, they refer to practices aggregated across situations and domains.
Introduction
For example, one could examine parental reasoning regardless of the issue it addresses e. When parenting practices are domain-specific, they refer to parental behavior in a specific context e. Traditionally, parenting practices have been aggregated across domains 12 , 13 e. However, more recently, there has been a significant amount of research on domain-specific practices in both the feeding 14 — 16 and physical activity 17 , 18 domains. Because parenting practices are directly observable, there has been a tendency to measure practices and use them to assign parents to parenting styles.
For example, if a mother frequently reasons with her child and consistently enforces maturity demands, she will be labeled an authoritative parent. However, the relationship between parenting styles and practices is complex—a father may turn a blind eye to a disobedient child, because of a belief that positive rewards are more effective than punishments or because a father does not care.
Although the behavior of these two fathers appears similar, we would label the first as indulgent and the second as uninvolved. This example illustrates how the values and attitudes of a parent create an important backdrop that gives context to and colors the interpretation of their parenting behavior. Although some have argued that parenting attitudes should be studied separately from parenting behaviors, 19 we believe that parenting practices should be studied in the context of the parents' underlying beliefs, values, and attitudes.
Research in social psychology demonstrates that the relationship between attitudes and specific behaviors increases as one increases the specificity of the attitude being studied. Consistent with this theory, we would expect that parental feeding practices would correlate more highly with child eating behavior than general parenting practices and styles. Although numerous studies show that general parenting style predicts child overweight and eating behaviors, 1 when measures of general parenting style and specific feeding practices are entered in the same regression, only feeding practices are significant predictors of child weight status and food consumption, not general parenting style.
For example, parents with an authoritative general parenting style may be less likely to have obese children because they use authoritative feeding practices e. In contrast to the above findings, Brotman and colleagues 25 demonstrated that a family intervention to promote effective parenting in early childhood had a significant impact on preventing obesity in adolescence, despite the fact that the intervention did not address parental feeding practices. It is possible that the effects of this intervention were mediated through a change in parental feeding practices, or that general parenting does have an effect over and above specific feeding practices, impacting child development in a number of domains.
These findings may not be at odds. A recent analysis of seven interventions showed that focusing on both parenting styles and specific practices was the most effective in impacting weight-related outcomes. The results of these studies raise a fundamental question: When intervening with parents, should we try to change domain-specific parenting practices or general parenting styles? Should we teach parents specific strategies such as enthusiastic modeling 26 when presenting new foods, or should we, for example, try to increase parents' general sensitivity and responsiveness to child behavior 27 to move them toward a more authoritative style?
If the answer is both, then in what proportion? Current research does not fully answer this question. One might argue that targeting parenting styles might be more effective, because changing parental beliefs, values, and attitudes may have a broader impact on child developmental outcomes than changing parenting practices alone. Conversely, there is likely a gradient of learnability ranging from specific parenting practices to general parenting practices to parenting styles, making it easier to change specific practices.
Future intervention research should explore the effectiveness of interventions designed to modify different aspects of parenting and explore the impact of these changes on weight status and other child outcomes. Parenting styles and practices are imbedded in the larger culture, and theories and measurement practices need to take this critical issue into account.
Baumrind, 28 for example, in her classic parenting research, identified parenting styles unique to African-American families. This led to considerable research on parenting in African-American families. Some argue that parenting assessments developed using middle class, European-American families may not accurately assess parenting styles in other populations. Gonzales and colleagues, 32 for example, found that African-American coders rated African-American mothers more positively than did non—African-American coders.
This suggests that if they had relied only on data from the non—African-American coders, many of the authoritative mothers may have been inaccurately classified as authoritarian. Alternatively, it could be that low-income, African-American mothers are indeed more authoritarian and that authoritarian parenting might serve important protective functions for some children in low-income environments.
Given these differences between ethnic groups and cultures, we need to develop and validate parenting measurement tools that work equally well across cultural groups without excluding important cultural constructs, and examine cultural similarities and differences in the correlates of these measures.
Chao, 34 for example, developed questionnaire items that assessed the Chinese concept of chiao shun , a concept related to training that is central to the practices of Chinese and many Chinese-American parents. The transferability and predictive validity of this construct across different cultural groups remains unclear. Similarly, Power and colleagues 35 found that the Parenting Dimensions Inventory PDI , 36 a questionnaire developed with European-American parents, had good psychometric properties when administered to parents in Japan, but cluster analyses identified parenting styles in the United States and Japan that were markedly different.
Mothers from both cultures were included in the same cluster analysis. Five clusters were identified. Three clusters were very similar to Baumrind's 5 parenting styles and these were made up of mothers primarily from the United States; two clusters, however, were made up primarily of Japanese mothers—one reflecting a highly permissive style and one reflecting a stricter, yet still inductive, parenting style. This begs a series of questions: What do these new clusters really represent? Do they have correlates in other cultures? Are we missing other constructs or behavior clusters because our tools are incomplete?
With enough research, we may be able to identify underlying universal characteristics of parenting that operate across cultures, but may be expressed in different ways. The three components of self-determination theory—competence, autonomy, and relatedness 37 —are often given as an example of such universal characteristics in another domain. For example, although cultures clearly differ in the degree to which they place an emphasis on autonomy, Milyavskaya and colleagues 38 found that the satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and relatedness needs were associated positively with adolescent adjustment in a wide range of cultural settings including Canada, China, France, and the United States.
If such universal characteristics could be identified in the parenting domain with the wording for the items inclusive enough to be equally valid across cultures , parenting measures could be developed that could be used across varying cultural contexts. This would involve a long and complex process starting with collaboration between researchers from multiple cultures to identify similar, cross-cultural constructs; generation of items by research teams in all of these cultures to measure the constructs; pilot data in each culture with the populations involved focus groups, cognitive interviewing ; data analyses factor analyses, item-response theory analyses demonstrating cross-cultural equivalence of the constructs and items; studies demonstrating validity of the assessments in all of these cultures predictive, concurrent, convergent, and discriminant validity ; and cluster analytic studies to identify parenting styles within and across cultures.
Parenting is traditionally defined as the act of raising children. There is an inherent parent-centric bias to this definition that casts parents as the principal players. However the complex moment-to-moment processes that operate in these behavioral transactions 40 have yet to be adequately described. This is unfortunate, since theorists have been writing about such bidirectional processes for at least 60 years.
It is likely that child outcomes are influenced by the combined parenting practices and styles of the household, but the interactions between these styles and practices may be complex. Berge and colleagues 43 found that the co-occurrence of an authoritarian mother and a neglectful father was associated with higher BMI in adolescent sons, but there was no protective effect of authoritative parenting style. Furthermore, the study found that incongruent parenting practices were associated with higher BMI values in adolescents.
Specifically, when mothers modeled and encouraged healthful eating and physical activity, but fathers did not, adolescents had higher BMI values. Thus, it is important to examine all parents and other caregivers and their interactions 44 to capture a more comprehensive picture of the home environment when trying to assess risk and protective factors for childhood and adolescent obesity.
Besides parental influences, child development is influenced by a wide range of factors including the physical environment, siblings, and primary caregivers, as well as relatives, friends, neighbors, childcare providers, and teachers—in fact, the community at large. Little is known about parenting influences outside of the household, but this may be an interesting vein of research in a world where family and home structures are rapidly evolving.
It is well-established that various approaches to assessing parenting have their strengths and weaknesses, and the use of multiple methods is usually the best approach.
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Social desirability biases; faulty recall or recall biases; ambiguous, general, or leading questions; limited awareness of one's own behavior; and careless or random responding. Data on important unobservable variables such as attitudes, beliefs, values, and feelings; information on low-frequency events; and a global view of parenting, not simply a snapshot at a single point in time. Also they are inexpensive and efficient to administer. Child questionnaires have the same advantages and disadvantages as parent questionnaires often they are exaggerated , but have the added complexity of developmental issues the child's level of cognitive development will have a major effect on the nature of his or her responses.
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Interviews overcome a few of the problems of questionnaires follow-up questions can be asked, inconsistency in responding can be noted and explored , but they bring problems of their own, especially the issue of biased interpretations by the interviewer and the possibility of the interviewer unintentionally eliciting certain responses from the participant. The major advantage of interviews is that participants can talk about parenting in their own terms.
Observational methods address many of the limitations of self-reports because behavior is recorded as it occurs, but observations are still susceptible to social desirability bias and reactivity. Moreover, videotapes are difficult and expensive to collect and code. The best tools for measuring parenting depend on the research question being asked and the resources available. When possible, the use of multiple measuring tools is preferable because they will likely collect complementary information. Finally, as discussed in the ethnicity and culture section above, it is important that measures are chosen that are valid for the group under study.
Emerging electronic and web-based technologies open the door to a wide range of new assessment tools. Smartphones and tablet computers, for example, allow for real-time collection of audio and video data without the cost or intrusion of having an investigator in the room. Perhaps new technologies that allow for easy ecological momentary assessment may be useful in the parenting domain.
Researchers often do not include parenting assessments in their studies because instruments with good reliability and validity take too long to complete. Advanced psychometric methods, including confirmatory factor analyses and item-response modeling, should be applied to existing parenting measures i.
These new tools could be used for multiple purposes such as adding a short set of questions to large national surveys where parenting is not the main focus, developing screening instruments for identifying high-risk participants for targeted interventions, assessing parenting in clinical settings such as pediatric and primary care medical practices, and evaluating parenting-related interventions.
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